iipi — il.lHIUM>i
m^m
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS
OF
HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, AND
OTHER TREATY PORTS
OF CHINA.
Cwentkri) Centurp Impressions
Bonflkonfl, SbangDait and otDer Creatp
Ports of Cbina:
THEIR HISTORY. PEOPLE, COMMERCE, INDUSTRIES, AND RESOURCES.
Editor-in-Chief: ARNOLD WRIGHT (London).
Assistant Editor : H. A. CARTWRIGHT (Hongkong and Shanghai).
London, Durban, Perth (W.A.), Colombo, Singapore, Hongkong,
Shanghai, Bangkoli (Siam), Batavia (Netherlands India), and Cairo :
LLOYD'S GREATER BRITAIN PUBLISHING COMPANY, LTD
1908.
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HIS EXCELLENCY SIR FREDERICK JOHN DEALTRY LUCARD. K.C.M.G.. C.B„ D.S.O.
(Governor of Hongkong, Comm»nder-ln-Chlef, and Vice- Admiral) , and
LADY LUCARD.
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HIS EXCELLENCY SIR JOHN N. JORDAN. K.C.M.G.
(British Minister at Peking)
PREFACE.
IHIS xvorh is the outcome of an enter-prise designed to give in an attractive form full and
rcliatile information with reference to the outlying parts of the Empire. The value of a fuller
knowledge of the " Britains beyond the Sea" and the great dependencies of the Crown as
a means of tightening the bonds which unite the component parts of the King's dominions
was insisted upon by Mr. Chamberlain in a memorable speech, and the same note ran
through the Prince of Wales's impressive Mansion House address in which His Royal Highness summed
up the lessons of his tour through the Empire, from which he had then just returned. In some instances,
notably the case of Canada, the local Governments have done much to diffuse in a popular form infor-
mation relative to the territory which they administer. But there are other centres in which official
enterprise in this direction has not been possible, or, at all events, in which action has not been taken,
and it is in this prolific field that the publishers are working. So far they have found ample justificalion
for their labours in the widespread public interest taken in their operations in the colonies which have
been the scene of their work, and in the extremely cordial reception given by the Press, both home and
colonial, to the completed results.
Briefly, the aim which the publishers keep steadily before them is to give a perfect microcosm of the
colony or dependency treated. As old Stow, with patient application and scrupulous regard for accuracy,
set himself to survey the London of his day, so the workers employed in the production of this series
endeavour to give a picture, complete in every particular, of the distant possessions of the Crown. But
topography is only one of the features treated. Responding to modern needs and tastes, the literary investi-
gators devote their attention to every important phase of life, bringing to the elucidation of the subjects
treated the powerful aid of the latest and best methods of pictorial illustration. Thus a work is compiled
which is not only of solid and enduring value for purposes of reference and for practical business objects,
but is of unique interest to all who are interested in the development of the Empire.
In all essential features the present volume follows closely upon the lines of the earlier works on Western
Australia, Natal, Ceylon, and British Malaya, and deals fully with the history, administration, population,
commerce, industries, and potentialities of the territories to which it relates. In one respect, however, it
differs from its predecessors, for, while they have been devoted exclusively to British Colonies, this book, as
its title indicates, deals also with settlements which are only partially British. But there is ample excuse, if
excuse he needed, for this departure from precedent. More than one half the imports and exports of China
passes through the various Treaty Ports, and it would have been a negation of one of the avowed objects
of these publications if no attempt had been made to show the present-day tendency of this trade and
how the proportion borne by the British Empire compares with that of its competitors. Nor must it be
forgotten thai Canton, Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo, and Shanghai, the first five ports in China to which
foreign merchandise was admitted without hindrance or interference, were thrown open in 1842 as the
direct result of British influence, which was also responsible in i8_=;8 for the extension of this privilege
K
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PKEFACE.
to N*trckmamg, Ckefoo, Tatwan (Fonuosa), Svalow, Hainan, and three ports on the Yangtsze-k'iang. Tliough
the British Consuls have long ceased to be the only mediums of communication between foreigners and the
local Chinese authorities, British interests are still very powerful, and in some cases the British communities
are self-governing.
Although tkt whole of the Treaty Ports, numbering upwards of forty, hare not been dealt with
separately, the most important have been selected, and they are sufficient for our purpose since tliey receive
the kulh <^ the trade of the minor ports. This is especially true of Canton in its relation to the other
Treaty Ports on the West River, and of Shanghai in relation to some of the smaller ports lying along
tkt banks of the Yangtsze-Kiang.
The wide distances which divide the ports, and the peculiar conditions zcliich prevail in them have
rendered Ike task of the compilers one of no little difficulty. The foreign settlements are occupied by
representatives of different nationalities answerable to their own Consuls, subject to the laws of their own
countries, and, in many instances, organised into independent local governing communities, so that, though
tkty form collectively one homogeneous whole, they are, in actual fact, a congeries of separate and distinct
units. But neitker trouble nor expense has been spared in the attempt to cover the ground adequately
and secure full and tiustworihy information in a'crx direction. As in previous works, the services of
acknowledged experts have been enlisted wherever possible. The historical sections have been written from
original materials preserved at the India Office, the British Museum, and other national institutions. In
Hongkong much valued assistance has been freely rendered by the heads of the various Government depart-
ments, and the Editor is especially indebted to H.E. Sir F. J. D. Lugard, K.C.M.G., C.B.. D.S.O., the
Goremor, and Ike Hon. Mr. F. H. May, C.M.G., the Colonial Secretary, who have given all the encourage-
ment that lay in their power to the enterprise. In Shanghai the Municipal Aiithorilics have shown every
courtesy, and in the various Treaty Ports the British Consular Officers, the Customs Officers, and the
Municipal Secretaries, have placed the compilers under an obligation which is gratefully acknowledged.
Otrviously a work of this magnitude cannot be produced except at very considerable cost. As the
publisliers do not ask for any Government subsidy, because of the restrictions which it might impose
uptm them, this cost has to be met in part by receipts from the sale of copies and in part by revenue
from Ike insertion of commercial photographs. The publishers venture to think that this fact furnishes
no ground for adverse criticism. The piinciple is that adopted by the highest class of newspapers and
magazines all oi'er the world. Moreover, it is claimed that these photographs add to, rather than
detract from, the value of the book. They serve to show the manifold interests of the country, and,
u-ilk Ike accompanying descriptive letterpress, which is independently written by members of the staff from
personal observation, they constitute a picturesque and useful feature that is not without interest to the
general reader and student of economics, while it is of undoubted value to business men throughout
the British Empire.
AUCL'ST, 1908.
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CONTENTS.
HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, AND OTHER TREATY PORTS— i'aok
Early History and Uevklopme.nt. By Arnold Wright 13
HONGKONG-
CONSTITUTION AND Law —
The Local Legislature 99
The Courts loi
The Laws. By C. D. Wilkinson 102
EXECLTIVE AND LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS 105
Finance. By The Hon. Mr. A. M. Thomson, Coloiiinl Treasurer 113
Education. By G. H. B.ateson Wright, D.D. (Oxon.), Headmaster of Queen's College,
Hongkoiif^ 121
Public Works. By The Hon. Mr. W. Chatham, C.M.G., Director of Public Works . 129
Posts, Cables, and Telephones '33
Flora. By S. T. DuxN, B.A., F.L.S., J. P., Snperinteiidcut of the Botaiiicnl and Forestry
Department, Hoiiiikong 135
Fauna —
General. By J. C. Kershaw, Autlior of " Butterflies of Hongkong" ... 138
Butterflies. By J. C. Kershaw i39
Birds. By Staff-Surgeon Kenneth H. Jones, K.\ 141
Hongkong (Descriptive). By H. A. Cartwright i45
The Sanitary Board. By A. Shelton Hooper ....... 157
Harbour and Shipping. By Commander Basil Taylor, R.X., Harbour Master . . 188
Hongkong Industries 235
Sport, By J. W. Bains, Sports Editor of the " China Mail " 250
Health and Hospitals. By The Hon. Dr. J. M. Atkinson, Principal Civil Medical
Officer 262
Police. Prisons, and Fire Brigade. By Captain F. W. Lyons, Acting Captain-
Superintendent of Police, Hongkong 266
Navy, Ar.my, and Volunteers 272
The Hongkong Volunteer Corps. By Major Chapman, Commandant . . 274
The Foreign Trade of China 278
The Chinese Imperial Maritime Custo.ms 282
The Currency of China 288
The Silk Industry 290
Tea. By H. T. Wade • . . . . 294
Cotton. By James Kerfoot, M.I.M.E 302
The Flora of China 304
Ceremonies and Customs of the Chinese. By S. W. Tso 307
Chinese Characters. By James B. Wong, B.A 319
Ecclesiastical —
The Roman Catholic Church. By Father J. de Moidrey, S.J. ... 321
The Anglican Communion. By The Ven. Archdeacon Banister . . . 326
Protestant Missions in China. By The Rev. J. Steele, B.A 332
The Ancient Faiths of the Chinese. By The Rev. T. W. Pearce . . 337
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CONTENTvS.
SIK.1AL LlFK
Thk Pkkss. By W. H. Doxai.k. Editor of the "China Mail " .
SHANOHAI-
DksCKIKTION (IK THK SETTI.KMKNT. Hy H. A. CAKTWKUiHT
Local Goverxsiknt and Law. By H. A. Cartwright
Police. By K. J. McEiKX. Deputy Superintendent of Police
voli'xtekrs
Shanc-.mai Fire Bri<;adk
PiBi.ic Works. Supplied by the Pihlic Works Department
Health axd Hosi"Itaij>. By Arthur Stanley, M.D.. B.S.Lond., D.P.H
KiSASCK axii Baxkim;
Shippixu. Commerce, and Ci'stoms
Education
Posts, Cable.s. and Telephones
Sport. By W. R. Parkin
Meteorology —
HoNOKoNu. By K. G. Figg, Director of the Hongkong Observatory
, Health Officer
Foochow
Chinese WEKiHTs, Measures, and Money.
CoxcLfDiNG Note
Index
Observatory
Shanghai. By The Rev. Father Froc, Director of Siccawei
Leading Re,sidents of Shanghai
Prominent Chine.se Residents
Industries
The Foreign Commercial Community
The Oriental Commercial Community
The Railways of China
Mixes axd Mixkraus in Manchuria. By Reginald Bate, K.K.G.S
IXFORMATIOX FOR TolKISTS
TREATY PORTS AND OTHER FOREIGN SETTLEMENTS—
Hankow
Tiextsix
Pekix<:
Xkwchwaxg. By Regixai.d Bate, K.R.G.S
Chefoo
NiNGPO
Weihaiwei
Naxkin<:
Canton. By H. A. Cartwright
Macau. By Pedro Nolasco da Sii.va
The Lappa Customs. By A. H. Wilzer, Commissioner of Customs
TSISGTAU
Amov. By Cecil A. V. Bowra, Commissioner of Customs
SWATOW
.141
Mi
368
399
409
4'.S
429
432
434
43«
4.S2
484
490
498
509
512
516
525
573
602
662
666
682
683
692
724
755
763
767
772
773
778
782
798
805
810
«'3
829
837
841
842
843
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CiDcntletD Ccnturp Impressions or 1>oiidkoiid,
SbangDai, and otber Creatp Ports :
THEIR EARLY HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT.
By Arnold Wright.
CHAPTER I.
Early European Trade with China — The Portuguese at Macao — Efforts of EngHsh to Open Trade-
EstabHshment of Enghsh Factory in Japan — The English and the Dutch in China.
JN the history of European Com-
merce there is no more
interesting, and, in its influ-
ence on international events,
no more important chapter
than that which relates to
the opening of the Chinese
Empire to British trade. The long drawn
out struggle which in its earliest stage culmi-
nated in the Treaty of Nanking was something
more than a contest for the right to barter.
It was a fight between two opposite, and to
a very large extent antagonistic, systems of
civilisation. On the one hand was the East,
self-contained, self-absorbed, living its narrow
life in beatific indifference to, if not positive
ignorance of, the remainder of the world.
What it did not know was not knowledge ;
those who were outside its pale were bar-
barians ; its rulers were the rulers of all
things mundane and of some things celestial.
On the other side was the West, bustling,
aggressive, sometimes arrogant, confident in
itself and conscious of its power, infused
with a spirit of progress which gained ad-
ditional impetus as every new discovery of
science furnished it with fresh weapons to
use to batter down the wall which racial
prejudice and exclusiveness had reared up
against it. That one misunderstood the other
— was indeed profoundly ignorant of the
motives which were the mainsprings of the
otiier's action — added intensity to the battle.
To the official Chinese the efforts of the Euro-
pean to make his foothold good on the soil
of China were an unwarrantable intrusion on
the part of a visitor with many objectionable
characteristics. As for the European, and
especially the Britisher, he could see in the
determined measures to keep him at arm's
length — a suppliant and humble guest without
the gate — only the bigoted manifestations of
a diseased egotism added to a crass and viru-
lent congenital dislike of the foreigner. And
so the conflict went on until the door was
violently forced from without and the breath
of a new commerci.il life was breathed into
China. Then the giant stirred, but it was
only the stretching of the sleeper before the
full awakening. Another half-century or
more was to pass and China was to see in
blacker outline the shadow of irretrievable
disaster before the lessons of the West were
received, and even then her acceptance was
only partial and hesitating. It remained for
the cataclysm of the Russo-Japanese War to
drive home at last the moral taught, if China
could only have realised it by the first European
ship that visited her shores, that China was not
the world and that if she would preserve her
independence and her self-respect she must
avail herself of the advantages of Western
civilisation, not the least of which are those
which pertain to an uninterrupted commerce.
When Albuquerque and his men descended,
as Sir George Birdwood picluresquely puts
it, "like a pack of hungry wolves" upon an
astonished Eastern world, tliey found trade
flowing in tranquil fashion in channels which
had been used for ages. Vessels hugging
the shore made their way from the Chinese
coast to Singhapura or to some other port in
the straits, from whence their cargoes were
carried by Arab craft to India and Persia.
Overland the rich fabrics and spices of the
East were transmitted to the Levant for dis-
tribution to the more populous centres of
Europe. The trade was a strictly Oriental
one. An occasional European traveller, like
Marco Polo, found his way into the interior
of China and even over portions of the sea
route ; but it had not entered into the calcu-
lations of the most imaginative that from
beyond the sea would come in great ships
bodies of men of this strange white race whose
existence was a mere shadowy myth to the
great mass of the population. With wonder,
therefore, not unmingled with awe, the stran-
gers were received at the places at which
they touched. In the case of the Chinese a
feeling of superstitious dread tinged the lively
apprehensions which the appeaiance of the
Portuguese barques in the China Sea excited.
From immemorial times had come down a
tradition that the Chinese Empire would one
day be conquered by a fair-haired grey-eyed
race. The legend pointed to the advent of
the conquerors in the north, but there was
suflicient identity between the story and the
actual facts of the mysterious appearance
of the strangers from the beyond to give
potency to fears which, perhaps, were never
absent from the minds of the ruling classes
of China owing to the enormous stretch of
frontier and the difficulties of maintaining
14 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
(Fraai a pciDi ia Or Goj-tf- and De Keyicr't account of the Dutch Embassy to China in 1655.)
onier inberent in the vastness of the empire.
It is a motA point whether it was not the
faiBuencc of this natiiMial myth which dictated
the policy of etcluson so stubtxtrnly enfor-
ced ajtiinst Kuropcaiis (or three and a half
ccntnncs. Old writers, tike the authors of
tbe actxmnl of the Dutch Embassy to China
in 1655, are inclined to adopt this view, and
it is one which is in complete harmony with
tbe altitude conxixtetitly a^sumed from the
nwaicnt that European ship* wire seen in
Cbincae waters. Ihe first reception of the
Portogoese when they appeared off the Canton
River in 1516 wa<, however, not entirely
Dafnendly. The fleet was one despatched
from Malacca by Albuquerque and com-
manded by a l»ld and adventurous sailor
named Pcreiirclto. The ships returned to
Malacca witboid entering the Canton Kiver,
but Perestrello had seen enough to enable him
to report very favourably on tlie prospects of
trade. Stimulated by the prospect of obtain-
inj; entrance to a new and pro<luctive market
the Portuguese Viceroy the next year sent a
squadron of eight vessels under the command
of Perez de Andrade. In due course the
ships reached the Chinese coast, and without
hesitation de Andrade directed a course past
the islands and up the river. Great was the
alarm of the Chinese at the appearance of
these strange ships, so strikingly different
in form from those with which they were
familiar. Fearing an invasion the authorities
promptly surrounded the intruding ships by
war junks. De Andrade protested his peaceful
intentions, and eventually, after considerable
argument, persuaded the authorities to allow
him to take two of his ships up the river to
Canton. At Canton de Andrade had an
audience with the Viceroy, and was successful
in extracting from him permission to Uade.
His satisfaction at this excellent stroke of
business was somewhat moditied when news
reached him, as it did at about the time that
the negotiations were completed, that the
vessels he had left at the mouth of the river
had been heavily attacked by piiates. The
damage, however, does not appear to have .
been fatal to the objects of de Andradc's
mission. Several of his vessels returned to
Malacca witli cargoes, and tlie remainder
sailed wilh some junks belonging to tlie Loo
Choo Islands for Ningyio, on the east coast of
China, and there established a colony. The
//i</ II Uric thus secured was turned to good
advantage in succeeding years, and a most
prolitable trade was built up. But the gieed
and cruelty of the Portuguese here as else-
where raised up a violent prejudice against
them. So it happened tliat when an embassy
was despatched by the Portuguese Govern-
ment to Peking in 1520, the Ambassador, one
Perez, was treated very contumelioiisly. He
was sent back practically a prisoner to Canton,
and was there robbed of his property, thrust
into prison, and finally, it is supposed, put to
death, for his real (ate was never actually
known. Meanwhile the Portuguese had been
expelled by imperial decree from Ningpo, and
they were prohibited from all trade. Their
star seemed to have set as rapidly as it had
risen. 'Ihe early Portuguese explorers were,
however, not men to be easily rebuffed. In the
succeeding years they maintained resolutely
their efforts to secure a lodgment in China.
At length fortune once more smiled upon
them. A service rendered to the Chinese
Government by the extirpation of a formidable
pirate fleet secured for them as a reward rights
of occupation at Macao, one of the group of
islands lying off the mouth of the Canton
River. Their earliest settlement there dates
back to 1537. It was a mere collection nf
Imts for drying goods which were introduced
under the name of tribute, but by the middle
of the sixteenth century out of tliese small
beginnings a town of considerable size had
developed. The trade of the port flourished
apace under the interested patronage of the
Mandarins, who found in the commerce of tlie
adventurers a new and lucrative source of
income. Imperishably associated with the
history of Macao at this period is the name
of Camoens, the great national writer of the
Portuguese. It was here that the poet com-
posed the greater part of " The Lusiad " the
famous Portuguese epic which has stirred
the hearts and fired the imaginations of so
many generations of Portuguese. Camoens'
period of residence at Macao extended from
1553 to 1569. On his returning to Europe
from China he was wrecked off the coast of
Cambodia, and escaped to shore on a plank,
tradition says, with the MS. of his precious
poem carried in his hand. Macao, though
long since sunk into a condition of commercial
decrepitude and moral decay, will ever enjoy
the reflected lustre of Camoens' great name.
The Spaniards, following in the track of
the Portuguese, established themselves in the
Manilas and at various other points in the
Chinese seas. For the best part of a century
the two races had a monopoly of the trade
of the Far East. The defeat of the Spanish
Armada gave Europe its first great lesson in
the value of sea power, for with the destruc-
tion of many of the great Spanish galleons
in the English Channel and the wrecking of
others off the Scotch and Irish coasts, the way
was opened to the Far East for other nations.
The Dutch were the first to take advantage of
the opportunity presented. Towards the close
AN ANCIENT MAP OF CHINA.
(From an old manuscript of the date lOoy, preserved in the Manuscript Room at the British Museum.)
16 TWENTIETH CENTIHY IMPRESSIONS OF HONUKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
ot Ibe aiitecuth cenlurv Ihey sent out several
fleet* «rilh the object m csiaMi-hing a trade
with the Far Eart. The initial English ven-
torc was maiie in I5</'. when Sir K. Dudley
and ottiert fitted out three ships with the
the Chcneses to bringe thereof thither, both
while soweiiig silke, twisted of all sorts and
sizes, as also rawe and sleave silke ; of all
which we have gcven Mr. Heeling examples :
the which silke yf you can p'cure to be
V ,• '■.:^:^^m
AN ANCIENT HAP OF MACAO.
(Krocn % nuui»cnpt in the SIo;inc Collcctiini :it the llritish Museum.)
intention of trading to China. 'Wood, the com-
inandcr, tMxe with him a letter from Queen
Elizabeth to the Emperor of China. With
the expedition also went the warm wishes of
the commercial community whose hopes of
calaMishing a trade had been raised to a high
level in consequence of the reports which
bad come in of the riches of the Eastern
world. The enterprise, however, ended in
diaatter. Not a soul of the company which
embarked ever relumed to i^ngland to give
an account of the rest. Nothing fuiiher was
attempted in the direction of opening up the
China trade until Sir James Lancaster's suc-
oesiful voyages to the Straits of Malacca, and
tbe sotMcqucnt establishment there of factories
of llic newly constituted East India Company
turned the thoughts of Ixmdon merchants
once more towards those rich markets of
the Far East which the Portuguese and the
Spaniards had hitherto monopolised and
which the Dutch were now seriously attack-
ing. The first direct reference to the China
trade in the records of the East India Com-
pany is to be found in the year 1606. On
Ibe occanon of sending out three ships to
tbe Eastern factories Ihe Court issued instruc-
tions to "General" Heeling, Ihe commander
ol the little squadron, directing him to culti-
vate a trade with the Chinese. " It is to be
remembered," sai<l the direclorate, " thai uui
Factors alt Bantam doe their best endevors
10 p'core the Chineses lo bring from Cheney
ticave and sowing silks, that we may fall
into some trade with Ihem ; and see yf they
can sell any r>f our English cloth to them
that they may be hroaghl lo the use thereof."
At the same lime Ihe Court wrote lo the
/acton at Bantam desiring them to send
home particular accounts of all goods ven-
dible, or to be procured, and directed that
•yf Cheney silks are ihA llicare (in Bantam)
presentKe to be had, that then you advise
brought thither att reasonable prices we sup-
pose some good profiitt inay be had thereby :
of all which you have hitherto left us ignorant ;
whereby we must conceive you to be either
unskillful in merchandising or unwilling to
gress in the Eastern trade and were reaping
rich profits at home from the products
brought by their ships from the Far East.
However that may be, that the niamifacturos
of China met with great favour in the Eng-
lish markets at this period is very evident
from these additional instructions given in
160Q to the Bantam factors : "The silk called
I-ankin (N.inking) is here (in London) well
requested : therefore, we pray you use yonr
best endeavours to put off our English cloth
lor that commodity, whereto as it stenieth
by Robert Brown's (second at Bantam) letters,
the Chineses were willing and desirous, if
you had been furnished with any ; which
givelh us good hope that these people will
tall to wear our cloth, so as we shall find
good bent for the same hereafter ; and have
better means to maintain an ample trade
there ; lor the better procuring whereof we
have now and will hereafter send such cloth
as shall be true both in substance and colour,
and so you may assure them." In 1613-14
we lind the Court in despatching four sliips
to Sural issuing instructions to the Company's
agent at Agra to " discover the trade of
Tartary." He was told to find out " what
English cloth may be there vended ; at what
distance the Towns of Trade are situate ;
how the passages thither lie, and whether
secure or dangerous." The writer added,
"The Court conceive that much good might
be done in vending our cloth in that cold
country Tartary, were it well discovered."
In this year the several transactions of the
Company were united in one joint stock, and
it was intimated that on this basis the Com-
pany intended to build an enlarged system
of commercial enterprise. Bantam factors on
being informed of the change were enjoined
to make vigorous efforts to extend the Com-
pany's trade, particularly to Japan and China.
Meanwhile, the Court asked the assistance of
their agents in a matter of some importance
affecting the silk trade. Difficulty was found
in unwinding the Canton cross-reeled silk.
THE OKOTTO OF
(From :u)
p'forni thai for which we keepe you theare."
The asperity of the last remark is probably
lo be accounted for by the fact that the Dutch
at this time were making considerable pro-
CAMOENS, MACAO.
and it was suggested that one or two of the
Chinese or Japanese should be induced to visit
England to give instruction in the matter
"in order to bring the Canton silk into
TWENTIETH CENTITEY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 17
esteem and piice at home." What was the
outcome of this suggestion does not appear,
but it may be assumed from an entry in tlie
Court minutes which we find a little later
that the early enthusiasm for the silk trade
was somewhat damped by the discovery that
there were tricks of the trade in China. "On
account of the deceit that is used by the
Chinese in their silks," the minutes recorded,
" it is proposed in Court to advise Bantam
that no more be brought except only raw
silks, and such other as be ascertained to be
very good ; also to forbear the buying of
sundry drugs, which prove rotten and naught,
especially China roots and rhubarb." The
instructions actually given to the factor at
Bantam, who was proceeding eastward from
thence to trade, were : " Buy no blacks of
any kind of damasks or taffaties but only
coloured : the colours to be grass green,
vvatchet, blue, crimson, and carnation. Take
also white, especially satins. As to raw silk
it is not good to bring the Canton cross-
reeled sort. But if you could obtain any
ready thrown according to the sample, so as
to afford it to be sold in England at a mark
or 14s. per lb. souie good may be done.
Give orders that it be first spun single and
then twisted two threads together. Let such
as be made up in skains be but one thread
together."
At about this period a development of the
Company's enterprise in the Far East resulted
in the forging of the tirst link which connected
Great Britain with Japan. The association
was brought about in a somewhat romantic
fashion. William Adams, a Kent man, who
in early life was apprenticed to a Limehouse
pilot, inflamed by stories of the wealth of
the Indies, in 1598 took service in a Dutch
vessel, one of a fleet bound for the Far East.
Arrived off the coast of Japan after an adven-
turous voyage the ship in which Adams was
employed was boarded by Japanese, and he
and the other members of the crew were
virtually made prisoners. They were, how-
ever, kindly treated, and Adams subsequently
found great favour with the Emperor, who
took him into his service and liestowed a
manor upon him for his maintenance. In
161 1 Adams heard accidentally from the
Dutch, who had by this time established a good
trade with Japan, that the English had formed
an establishment at Bantam. Overjoyed at
the discovery of the comparative proximity
of his countrymen, Adams addressed a long
letter to the Company's agent in the Straits
strongly urging him to send ships to open
up a commercial connection with Japan. In
his communication he furnished valuable de-
tails as to the character of the Japanese and
the prospects of trade with their country. He
added : " Could our English merchants, after
settling in Japan, procure trade with the
Chinese, then shall our country make great
profit here, and the Company will not need to
have to send money out of England ; for in
Japan there are gold and silver in abundance,
and therefore by the traffic here they will take
in exchange money enough for their invest-
ments in the Indies." The hint conveyed in
this historic epistle did not fall on deaf ears.
The Company, eager to extend their field of
enterprise in so promising a direction, in 1613
sent out Captain Saris with the title of
" Company's General " to open up a trade
with Japan. Captain Saris was met on his
arrival at Firando on June 12th in that year
by Adams. Almost immediately the two
repaired to the capital where they delivered
to the i^mperor a letter from James I. which
Captain Saris had brought with him. The
monarch, influenced by his regard for Adams,
lent a favourable ear to the proposals made by
the Company's agent, and formal permission
was accorded to the establishment of English
factories at Firando and other places, Adams
in his letter to Bantam expressed a decided
opinion against Firando and a preference
for some port on the east coast nearer the
capital. But for some reason or other, pro-
bably because objections were raised to an
establishment in this locality, the English
headquarters were fixed at Firando. For
several years a trade was prosecuted from
this point by the Company's factors with
Adams as a valuable supernumerary. But the
enterprise never realised the high expecta-
tions entertained of it. Commercially the
times were somewhat out of joint ; the Dutch
opposition and rivalry also were very for-
midable. Moreover, as was explained in a
letter of the year 1615, profits were "eaten
up by great presents and charges which
the country of Japan requires, although there
are no customs to be paid." Adams' death,
which occurred on May 16, 1620, put the
final seal on the Company's failure. The
factory lingered on until 1623 and the estab-
CAMOENS, THE PORTUGUESE POET.
lishment viras then withdrawn. Nor, in spite
of persistent and repeated efforts was a
direct connection again formed until the
lapse of more than two centuries.
While the Company was prosecuting the
operations in Japan an opportunity offered
and was availed of to attempt to open a trade
with China. The inteimediaries in the busi-
ness were three influential Chinese merchants
with whom business had been done at
Nagasaki. In a letter from Robert Cock, the
factor at Firando, to the Company written
on November 25, 1614, we have an outline
of the proposals. Keterring to the negotia-
tors he writes: "The spot which they point
out as desirable for the seat of a factory
is an island near to the City of Languin ; to
which place we sale from Firando, if the
wind be fair, in three or four days. Our
demand is for three or four ships to come
and go and to leave only factors sufficient to
do the business. If we can procure this I
doubt not but in a short time we may get
into the mainland itself ; for as the Chinese
tell me their Emperor is come to the know-
ledge how the Emperor of Japan has received
us and what huge privileges he has granted
us. But the Hollanders are ill spoken of on
each part by means of their continual robbing
and pilfering the junks of China : the odium
of which they at first put upon Englishmen,
but now it is known to the contrary." In
another letter of a somewhat later date to the
Company's agent at Bantam some additional
details are given with an injunction to "use all
Chynas kindly," and to ask other Englishmen
to do the like, "for," says the sanguine
factor, "my hope is great since the Chynas
doe complain much of the Hollanders for
robinge or pilferinge of their junckes." In
subsequent correspondence we catch vivid
glimpses of the progress of the negotiations.
Now we find an entry recording a payment
for two girdles of silk as a present to the
" China Captain's daughter." Next is a letter
from Andreas Dittis, " the China Captain,"
reporting that he had great hopes of a suc-
cessful issue to his mission "for that the
greate men had taken 3,000 pezes (pieces of
eight dollars) presented to them to make
way" and warning his English friends not to
let it be known that they came from Japan
" because the Chinese were more averse to
the Japanese than any other nation." Again,
we have this quaint extract from Robert
Cock's diary throwing some interesting side
lights on the business ; " I gave my peare
(pair of) knives to the China Captain to send
to his brother (or rather kinsman) in China
upon hope (of) trade. As also he had 4
Looking Glasses for same purpose bought of
Dutch, and 4 pss. (pieces) Chowders of 20 Rs.
p. corg with Knyves ; and is thought fit to
geve 50 Rs. 8 to the man which carrieth
the letter to pay his charge per way, and to
sende a greate gould ring of myne with a
whyte amatist in it, cost me 5 lb. str. in
France ; this ring to be sent to one of these
two men named Titcham Shofno, an
euenecke. God grant all may com to good
effect ! Amen, Amen."
The piously expressed wishes of Ihe good
factor were not destined to be realised. Civil
disturbances i[i China, forerunners of the
downfall of the Ming dynasty, delayed the
business. The high-handed action of the
Dutch in slopping and robbing Chinese junks
also, and probably to a larger extent, inter-
posed obstacles, for the authorities were
naturally irate at the outrages, and owing to
the lying stories put about by the Dutch were
disposed to associate the English with them.
The Company's agents in the matter, however,
continued to push the request for facilities
for trade vigorously. In 1616-17 the factor
at Firando reported home that the affair was
pursued so hotly that " the Emperor of China
has sent spies into all ports where the
Spaniards, Portuguese, Hollanders, and we
have trade, to observe how the Europeans
behave one toward the other, and also how
we (the English) behave towards strangers,
especially towards the Chinese." " Some of
these investigators," he added, " have been in
this place (Firando) and were brought by our
Chinese friends to the English House, where
I used them in the best manner I could, as
I have recommended to Bantam, Patania, and
Syam to do the like to all Chinese." The
factor was very anxious that suitable presents
should be sent to the Emperor of China, and
particularly indicated a coral tree as a gift
which would be acceptable, a similar souvenir
presented many years before by the Portuguese
being esteemed by the Emperor "one of his
most precious jewels." Before this the Com-
pany had thoughtfully sent out for use in the
negotiation two letters from James I. to the
Emperor. One was amicable in tone, but the
other was somewhat " stricter " in terms, and
18 TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
it was giTcn by the autlK>rities at
Bantam to Iheir " linguists " to interpret they
intuiuUed that they dare not for their lives
mmftate ibe bold nn^^ive. Dittis and his
brother iiegoliator<, when the con)nmnicati<ins
were f«rt before ihein, undertook to translate
ihcin and also forward them by a certain
agency. But they suggested that the one
ooMched in a threatening tone should not be
teal "for that xiolence would avail nothing."
They further urged that they should " proceed
in Ibe negotiation in a pacilic manner and trust
Id the character which the English had of late
aoqnired o( being a ' peaceable |>eoplc.' " How
br this shrewd advice was entertained we
I DO means of knowing, but there is little
to think that James' peppery periods
' oAendcd the august imperial eye. What-
may have ticen done in that m.itter the
xc against the success of the nego-
Tbe a0air dragged on for several
yean and was only brought to a close when
the Firando factory was vacated in 1623.
From first to last the negotiations cost the
Company a great deal of money. Dittis alone
is represented to have disbursed 13,000 taels.
As has been iitdicated the unjust implication
of the English in the piratical transactions of
tlie Dutch had a very injurious influence on
the coarse ol the negotLitions for a trade with
China. That prejudiced feeling was intensified
wlicn. as happened in 1619, the English en-
tered into a treaty of defence and alliance with
the Dutch. This arrangement was ostensibly
designed to further the interests of both
ooanlries, their forces being joined in a " joint
endeaTonr," to use the words of a clause of
the treaty, " to open and establish free com-
merce in China and other places of the Indies
by soch ways and means as the Common
Council shall find expedient." But in practice
the Hollanders turned the arrangement to
their exclusive advantage. They used the
English when it suited them to do so, dragging
the English ships into a blockade which they
instituted against the Chinese junks proceeding
to the Manilas, and in other ways com-
promising the English name with the Chinese.
Hut when equal tacilitics were claimed at the
ports occupied by the Dutch the demand
was emphatically declined. Ultimalcly the ill-
anorted union came to an end as it was bound
to do. A tragic outcome of it was the massacre
of Amiioyna, an epis<ide which left a deep
itain on the English name until it was
wiped out by Cromwell. Another consc-
quciKx which flowed from the connection
was the creation in the minds of the Chinese
and the Japanese authorities of a strong
diatmst of the English. It is difficult to say
to what extent this leeling influenced the
coarse of events, but there is little room for
qoestion that it militated very seriously against
English interests for a long series of years.
We may gather some notion of the prejudice
eieited from the successive despatches of the
Company's agents whose writings became
iacreuingly doleful as the time went on and
Ibe comequenccs of the alliance were more
dearly revealed. Thus, Richard Cfxrk, the
(actor at Kirando, in 162 1 wrote to the
Company's agents at Batavia in these terms :
" Goorockdono, the Governor of Nangasaque
(Hagasaki), with all the merchants of that
place, Meaco and Kddo, taketh the Spaniards'
and Portugals' parts against us, giving the
Emperor to understand that Ivjth we and the
HoUanders are pirates and thieves and live
upon nothing but the tpoil of the Chinese
and others ; which is the utter overthrow of
Ibe trade with Japan, no one daring to come
bilber for fear (A us. By which reports the
finpcrar and his Council are much moved
a. The King of Kirando, who has
married the Emperor's kinswoman, is now
our only slay." He added : " The Hollanders
arc generally hated throughout all the Indies,
and we much the worse thought of since we
joined them."
After the rupture with the Dutch the Eng-
lish for some years confined their operations
largely to the Indian trade. But tlicy con-
tinued to cast longing eyes in the direction
of China and Japan. The Dutch, who had
early in the struggle with the Chinese seized
and fortified a position in the Pescadores,
were able to establish in course of time an
indirect trade with China by way of Tywan
in Formosa. This did not escape the notice
of the English factors at Batavia. Writing
home they furnished particulars of the
Hollanders' operations, and at the same time
painted a glowing picture of the prospects
offered in this direction. " The trade of
China now likely to settle at Tywan," they
stated with a curious mixture of metaphors,
"is as an ixean to devour more than all
Europe can minister ; wrought and raw silk
" Those clothes which now they wear is
silk, in Summer seasons passable, but in the
Winter are enforced to bombast or to wear
ten coats one over the otlier, and that is
useful. Silk being thus their clothing and all
growing in China, a stop of that intercourse
were so material that silk in China in one
year would be as dust or dung and Japan
beggard for want of clothing."
" iiut such stop of intercourse and devised
extremity needeth not ; for the natural enmity
between those two nations hath so framed
all for our purpose, that could Japan be
furnished with any other clothing, not one
Chinese durst peep into their country ; which
the Chinese well know ; therefore, though
tolerated by Japan, yet none conieth but by
stealth, which would cost their lives if known
to their governors in China."
The Dutch at this time were sharply
antagonistic to the English at all points where
their interests touched. They resented the
action of their rivals in witlulrawing from the
treaty of defence, professing to look upon it
THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.
(From ail ancieiU map in the Slnaiu* Collection at the IJritish Mnscum.)
in abundance and many necessary com-
modities that all parts of India must have.
These arc to be purchased with the pepper,
spice, and sandal wood of these paits at
prices as we please ; also with the silver of
Japan springing from the said silk of China,
and by all probability with every sort of
European commodities, especially woollen
cloth, for the greatest part of the Chinese
Empire stretcheth into the cold climate and
is defended with infinite troops of soldiers
whose necessities do require more than we
can guess at until experimented." In another
communication the advantages of Far Eastern
trade were further expounded. " For these
mighty monarchies Japan and China abound-
ing with riches and also civilised peaceably
to res|x>nd with all ; but in a climate requir-
ing that which neither themselves nor their
neighbours enjoy or can be supplied but by
the English which is clothings answerablc
to the magnificence of these nations, defen-
sible against the cold and convenient for their
employments in travel, wars and weather."
as a gross breach of faith towards themselves.
Their dominant feeling, however, was one of
jealous apprehension lest the English should
sectire a foothold in a domain which they
had marked out for their own special exploi-
tation. This policy of excUisiveness was
pursued with a persistency which could not
fail to leave its marks on English trade at
a period when the country's influence was
not at a particularly high level in Europe.
Still, the English factors at Batavia weie by
no means disposed to leave the Dutch with
a free hand in the Var East. In 1627 the
Presidency at Batavia sent home a long
despatch strongly urging the desirability of
making another attempt to open up trade
with China. They wrote : —
" Concerning the trade of China three
things are especially made known to the
world."
" The one is the abundant trade it affordeth ;
the second is that they admit no stranger
into their country ; the third is that trade is
as life unto the vulgar, which in remote
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPliESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 19
parts they will seek and accommodate with
hazard of all they have."
" In these three considerations it is easily
conceived how and where intercourse with
that nation is to he expected ; for it requireth
no more care than to plant in some convenient
place whither they may come and then to
give them knowledge that you are planted."
" This condemneth the Dutch their long-
continued roaniings upon the coast of China ;
where, after much cliarge and trouble, they
saw their folly, and planted upon P'ormosa ; a
place not inconvenient in respect of nearness,
but a barred harbour, an open road and
inconvenient for shipping. Yet should we
shew ourselves to trade there with the Dutch
it shall be guarded with those difticulties and
infinite charges as if it were a diamond mine."
" This hath occasioned us to be inquisitive
concerning that commerce, how with most
conveniency it may be accomplished ; and
so by conference with chiefs of those ports,
especially with Naukadas (captains of native
craft) lately come from China, we under-
stand that none of their nation is publicly
tolerated for foreign trade — only some pro-
portioned to trade with the King of Siam ;
but for Cochin China he that will, and
with what they please. All other trades are
unlawful ; and whosoever attempteth, doth
it with the danger of his life, be it for
the Manillas, Japan, Formosa, Java, or where-
soever."
The Presidency then go on to observe that
if hereafter they might have free trade with
the Dutch at Formosa they would deliberate
whether to use it or not ; " for the aforesaid
Naukadas persuade them rather to .settle upon
Cochin China, which is connected with the
main of China, but seven days' journey from
Chin-Chew ; and there is free intercourse
both by sea and land between these nations,
as they are indeed both one ; for Cochin
China was a kind of tributary to the great
Emperor, but of late is free."
"The said Naukadas rejoicing at our motion
profess that if we will settle in these parts
Ihey will beat their gongs in China when
they hear of our coming and we shall want
no trade, nor whatsoever we can desire.
Further they importuned the President's kins-
man to go with them to see all the accom-
modation of China (Cochin China), promising
to return him in safety, and to leave as a
pledge for his return his own brother and
son."
The Presidency of Batavia adds that on
their own parts they would willingly embrace
this motion, did they know the inclination of
the Court to coincide.
CHAPTER II.
The English Ship " London " visits China — Captain Weddell's Voyage to Canton — The Tartar Invasion of China and
its Effect on Foreign Trade — Opening of Factories at Formosa and Tonkin — Trade Relations with Amoy.
No direct steps appear to have been taken
at the time to carry out the recoinmendations
of the Batavia Presidency, set out in the
foregoing chapter. The next important move
was deferred until 1635 when, following upon
the conclusion of peace with the Portuguese,
the Company's agents at Surat, at the invita-
tion of the Viceroy of Goa, despatched the
ship London to China. The venture was
avowedly an experiment, and it does not
appear to have been a brilliant success.
Macao was visited, and the vessel remained
some time there to the dissatisfaction of the
Portuguese, who, apart from a feeling of
trade jealousy, were influenced by a fear of
the displeasure of the Chinese. They after-
wards represented that they were made to
pay a smart fine for opening their port to
the London, and very possibly it was so for
the Chinese oft'icialdom was not likely to let
slip so favourable an opportunity of making
money. The year following the London's
voyage witnessed a far more ambitious attempt
to establish commercial relations with China.
The enterprise was fathered, not by the East
India Company, but by a private organisa-
tion known as Courten's Association. A fleet
consisting of three small but well equipped
ships — the Driiflon, the Sun, and the Kcithcrinc
— and the pinnace Ann, were sent out under
the command of Captain Weddell, an experi-
enced navigator. Sailing from the Downs on
April 14, 1636, the little squadron anchored
of^ Macao on the 27th of June in the follow-
ing year. The journal of the voyage slates
that immediately after his arrival Weddell
sent a boat ashore witli a letter he had in
his possession from King Charles to the
Portuguese Governor. The boat was met by
the Captain General, "a mulatta of a most
perverse and pevish condition, reported to
have bin a tinker." The letter was duly
delivered to the Governor and his Council,
and the deputation was dismissed with the
statement that a reply would be sent the
next day. Afterwards the procurator of the
city came on board and " began to unfould
a tedious, lamentable discourse (as false as
prolix) of their miserable subjection to the
Chinese, which would be now (as he preten-
ded) be much more by other 4 shipps arrivall,
they haveing had experience by the shipp
London's only being there which cost them
a great fyne. Hee said wee knew not the
good they intended us (wee believed yt) but
there were two main obstacles w^h hin-
dered them from expressing yt, viz., the
non consent of the Chinese (w':h vvas meerely
false), and the slender quantite of goods
wth they might expect ys yeare from Can-
ton for Japan, . . . but the mayne excuse
was that wee brought noe letters recomen-
datory from the Old Vice Roye of Goa
(w'h would have done us as much good as
nothing). In conclusion he told us that for
matter of refreshinge yf we came neerer
(wch wee did) he would p'vide for us. And
this he verry worshipfully and like a true
Hebrew indeed p'formed : att 2 or 3 tymes
the vallew on shore ; and to the end that
none might cheate us but himselfe, there was
a stride watch of boates placed about each
shipp, not p'mitting so much as a poore
fiisherman to supply us with the vallew
of 6d."
Captain Weddell determined to see for him-
self what the prospects of trade were, and
accordingly despatched the pinnace Ann on
a reconnoitring expedition to the Canton
River. After two days' sailing they came in
sight of the mouth of the river " being a
verry orderlie inlet and utterly prohibited to
the Portugalls by the Chineses, who doe not
ANCIENT VIEW OF MACAO.
(From a print .^t the Britisli Museum. J
JO TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
villinely admitt any strangers to the view
ot vt, tKuis >-c passage and secure harbour
for their best jounckes h»th of warr and
■odiaaduc. So that the t'ortugall's trailick
to Canton is only in small vessclls through
them as the inhabitants of Maccaw to exer-
cise a free commerce tliere payinge duties as
the others." Vy<on this the admiral became
more affable and offered a small junk to take
the parly up the river, on the understanding
KAOAO, FBOM THE FORTS OF HEANQ-SHAN.
(Krom AUom & Wrinhfs "Cliina.")
diver* narrow shuald streiglites amongst
many broken islands adjoyning to the mayne.
To whom y' was noe small wonder that
w'k out any pilolt or any the least hcipe of
an intcrprctor our people should penetrate soe
(far. And, indeed, yi hath caused dyvers of
the best uiiderstandinge amongst them to
make publique confession of their own
erriHir in refuseinge to afford us reasonable
libcrtic of trade at our first cominge to
Maccaw, whereby wee were enforced to this
attempt »•'•• they prognostically (prognos-
licate) and wee hope truly will in a few
>-cares bee the mine of their vain glorious
pride and ostentacion ; yet hereby the honest
dealing off our nacon contrary to their
slanderous rep<jrts is apparently manifested
and made knowne, as well to the principall
GoTcrnours of y' Province as to the principall
Merchants and all gortes of people."
On the I5lh the party in the pinnace (which
included Messrs. Mouiiteney and Robinson,
supercargoes) got a Chinese' boatman to con-
duct them to Canton. Un the l6th Mounleney
and Robinson went ashore with a flag of truce,
were carried overland a league to the harbour
ot Lampton "w«^t> is a station for their prime
men of warr of the Kings armada as Chaltom
is in England for his .Maii«-> shipps." On the
ll«h, as they were going up the river, they
•net the Chinese fleet coming down and were
requested to anchor. This they did. At first
the Chinese admiral "began somewhat roughly
to czpoMolate," and demanded to know what
had induced the English " to come thither and
dlMOVCjed p'hibited and concealed pts. and
pMnges of so great Prince's dominions.'"
To Uiis Robinson replied "that they were
oooie from a potent prince of Europe, who
being in amitye wU" all his neighbours,
desir'd likewise the friendshipp of ye greate
King of China, and to that end had his
order to treate of such capitulacons as might
""''h'ce to the good of both princes and
•■b|eds bopeingc that it might be lawfull for
that the pinnace proceeded no further. The
offer was accepted, and Messrs. Mounteney
and Kobinson and Captain Carter, of the Ann,
started the same night on their jouiiiey.
When within live leagues of Canton they were
met by a message from the authorities entreat-
acquiescence in this request the party returned
in the Ann to Macao. Shortly afterwards a
reply was received from the Portuguese Hatly
declining to accord permission to trade.
Upon this Captain Weddell summoned a coun-
cil, and the matter having been "well pon-
dered," and "the notorious treacheries of ye
p'fidious Portugall's now plainly appeal inge"
it was agreed that the whole Meet should, with
all convenient speed, depart for Lampton. On
July 31st the vessels set sail and arrived off the
mouth of the river on August 6th. The Man-
darins came on boaid and these promised to
solicit for them at Canton the grant of a right
to trade. For eight days the Hect waited for
the permit, and then an incident occurred which
precipitated matters. As one of the fleet's
boats was endeavouring to find a watering
place it was tired on from a "desolate castle"
which had been hastily fortified by the Chinese
owing to the slanders of the Portuguese.
Weddell was not the man to sit quietly under
an act of treachery of this description.
Calling his ships to arms he ranged them in
position near the castle and poured in a
succession of broadsides. At the end of two
hours boats were landed with a hundred men
and the English flag was planted on the
ramparts of the now abandoned position.
The ordnance was brought on board, and
the Council House, which formed a part of
the port, was tired. Further retaliation was
later resorted to in the capture of two junks,
one laden with timber and the other with
salt. After this overtures for peace were
made by the Chinese. Ultimately Messrs.
Mounteney and Kobinson proceeded to Can-
ton, and on the l8th attended at the
Viceroy's palace to present their petition
to trade. They were received with great
honours and their request was granted, the
Mandarin blaming the treachery of the
Portuguese for all the troubles that had
arisen. The party returned from Canton
" bringinge with them a ffirma or pattent for
ANCIENT VIEW
(From a print in the
ing them to proceed no further and promising
that influence should be used with the "subor-
dinate Viceroy for Trade" to obtain permission
to trade if they returned to Macao. Deeming
that they would Ijcst serve their ends by
OF CANTON.
IJritish .Museum.)
ffree trade and liberty to fortifie upon any
convenient (place) without the mouth of ye
river." The Chinese ordnance was landed
from the fleet and restored to them, and the
pinnace was sent to discover some island
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 21
without the river which would be suitable
for a settlement. On the 24th of August
Messrs. MouiUeney and Hobinson went up
the river with stock and presents, and after a
delay of two days, attired in Chinese habits,
were conveyed to lodgings in the suburbs
of Canton. After paying 10,000 " rialls of
eight " agreed upon for duties, they bought
eighty tons of sugar besides bargaining for
ginger, stuffs and other merchandise and
provisions. The trade assumed such a pro-
mising complexion that Mr. Robinson was
despatched to the fleet for six additional
chests of money, and twenty Chinese carpen-
ters were employed in making chests to
contain the sugar and sugar candy, which
we are told by the diarist "costs lid. p. lb.
and is as white as snow." Meanwhile, " the
malicious treachery and base designes of the
Portugalls slept not." They insidiously poi-
soned the minds of the authorities against
the English traders, and followed up their
secret machinations with an open protest
against any concession to the intruders.
The outcome of these plottings was that
Robinson and two other Englishmen who
were accompanying him were arrested in
the river on returning to Canton with the
additional specie and stock. At about the
same time an attack was made on the fleet
by sending against it a number of lire junks.
Fortunately this manoeuvre was detected in
time and the junks were avoided.
The party at Canton were left in close
confinement in their houses for several days.
Eventually, on their threatening to fire the
town, their guard was withdrawn. Meanwhile,
Weddell, not hearing from the merchants,
cruised with his vessels about the mouth of
the river pillaging and burning. At last licence
was given to the merchants to write, and they
did so asking Weddell to forbear.
On the 61h of October the Cliumpein at
Canton expressed a desire to Mounteney to
taste some meat dressed after the English
fashion, " whereupon they played the cookes
and roasted certain henns &c. which together
sent unto him, together with some bisquett,
a bottle of Sacke, and some other things
they sent unto him, wherewith he seemed
much content, and returned them many
thanckes assureing them of his friendshipp ;
nor did he fayle them therein to his uttmost.
And at their departure told them he was
sorry he could doe noe more for them,
beinge the plaine truth that the Portugalls
had outbribed tlieni, and had so far p'vayled
wlh ye great ones, that he alone was not
able to oppose soe many." He was, how-
ever, he added, soliciting the new Viceroy
on their belialf.
Then followed a course of trading marked
by repeated intrigues on the part of the
Portuguese to nullify the efforts of the English.
Finally, the Chumpein caused two " inter-
changeable writings," to be subscribed by
either party, and so dismissed them on equal
terms. The conditions of the agreement
arrived at were that the Englishmen should
pay a tribute of 20,000 " rialls of eight " yearly,
together with four pieces of ordnance and fifty
muskets. On their part the Chinese authorities
agreed that the English should make a selection
of any island near Macao, for the purposes of
a settlement, that they should have liberty
to fortify it, and that they should have the
same freedom of trade with Canton as the
Portuguese enjoyed. If Weddell's enterprise
had been vigorously followed up there is
little reason to doubt that the English might
have anticipated the founding of Hongkong
by two centuries. But the times were not
propitious for colonial adventures of any
kind, and least of all for one in such a
remote region as the China Sea. Torn with
internecine strife, and with the national
finances in a state of great confusion, Eng-
land turned her face from the path by which
later she was to travel to a dazzling position
of eminence as a world power.
The next few years were years of humilia-
tion for the English in the Far East. The
Dutch strove, and with considerable success,
to drive English trade from the China seas.
How low the national prestige had sunk may
be gathered from the reply made in 1645 by
the Surat Council to a proposition emanating
from the Spanish Governor of the Manilas
that a commerce should be opened between
those islands and Surat. The Surat factors
confessed their inability to supply the Spanish
with the articles they required because of the
vigilant eye the Dutch had over their actions.
They went on to say that although they
might "effect the business through the Straits
of Sunda, yet without the Coinpany's positive
order," they must decline hazarding the
Company's shipping, but " rather propound
unto the Court the obtaining from the King
of Spain his consent and license for an open
and free commerce between us." Apparently
himself for fear of falling into his hands ;
which disturbances with the Portuguese's
poverty had left Macao destitute of all sorts
of commodities, there not being to be bought
in the city either silks raw or wrought, (nor)
China roots other than what were old and
rotten ; nor, indeed, anything but China
ware, which is the bulk of the Hindi's
lading, the rest being brought in gold ; nor
could anything at all during the ship's stay
there be procured from Canton." The dis-
turbed state of China continued for some
time to interrupt the course of trade. Three
years after the Hiiidc visited Macao the
Company's agent at Bantam supplied a very
doleful account of the position of affairs to
his employers at home. " The experiment
which you desire we should make with one
of our small vessels for trade into China," he
wrote, " we are certainly informed by those
that know the present state and condition of
that country very well cannot be undertaken
witliout the inevitable loss both of ship, men
and goods ; for as the Tartars overrun and
waste all the inland country without settling
any government in the places which they
overcome ; so some of their great men in
MACAO, FROM THE SEA.
(From Uorget's "Slietches of Cliina.")
the risks were eventually faced, for at the
close of the year two of the Company's ships,
the Hiiidc and the Sea Horse, are mentioned
as having been one at Macao and the other
at the Manilas. The voyages were not
particularly successful, largely owing to the
anarchical conditions which prevailed in
China at this period. The Hiiuie, the
chronicler says, might have done better but
for " the extreme poverty of the place, it not
appearing the saine as it was at the Loiulon's
being there." Its condition was due " to the
loss of their (the Portuguese's) former trades
to Japan and the Manilas, the former of
which they lately atteinpted to recover by
sending a pinnace into those ports, but (they)
had their people that voyaged thither all cut
off, which makes them more miserable." As
for China it was represented in the factor's
report on tlie H/iidc's voyage as being
" wholly embroiled in wars." " One of the
chief Mandarins being risen in rebellion is
grown so powerful that he possesseth a great
part of the kingdom and is likely to be
owner of it, the king, after he had slain his
wife and two of his children, having hanged
China with a mighty fleet at sea of upwards
of 1,000 sail of great ships (as is conlidenlly
reported) rob and spoil all the sea coasts and
whatsoever vessels they can meet with ; and
how one of our feeble vessels would be able
to defend themselves against such forces is
easy to be supposed. As for the Portugalls
in Macao, they are little better than mere
rebels against their Vice Roy in Goa having
lately murdered tlieir Captain General sent
thither to them ; and Macao itself so distracted
amongst themselves that tliey are daily spill-
ing one another's blood. But put the case,
all these things were otherwise, we must
needs say we are in a very poor condition to
seek out new discoveries ; while you will not
allow us either factors, shipping or sailors,
scarce hall sufficient to maintain the trade
already you have on foot ; and therefore the
Dutch but laugh at us to see us meddle with
new undertakings, being hardly able to
support the old."
The Tartar invasion of China, Dutch hos-
tility, civil war at home, and a general lack
of means, were circumstances which com-
bined to circumscribe the operations of the
22 TW"ENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
Cdmpany for a consklerabic period after the
inditing of this gloomy report. In 1654 the
Dutch appear to have sent two ships to
Canton from the Pescadores at the invitation
of the authorities there, I'lut tlie new Knif>eror
who was greatly incensed against the Hol-
landers and strongly prejudiced against all
foreigners, hearing of their presence at the
port sent orders that they should be cut off,
and cot off they would have been had not
the friendly Viceroy given thenj a timely
hint to cut their cables and depart — advice
which they promptly acccpte<l. About the
same period two private English ships, the
King Feniimimi and the Richanl ami Altirtlia
appear also to have visited Canton. They,
too, had to leave precipitately, and they de-
parted in anything but the odour of sanctity
with the Chinese, for they omitted to dis-
charge their measureage dues before leaving,
a circumstance which was unpleasantly re-
called live years later when the next English
ship appeared in the Canton Kivcr. This
vessel was the Company's ship Sural, which
in 1664 sailed from Bantam with a cargo of
pepper, indigo, a quantity of lead, and other
produce, amounting in value to Rs. 9,573.
They had difficulties as usual with the Portu-
guese at Macao : " They are low and proud,"
was the Company's supercargoes' verdict
upon them. They found pirates infesting
the mouth of the Canton River and exacting
blackmail from all whom they could intimi-
date ; and, most discouraging of all, they
discovered that there was " no certainty of
trade in any part of China under the Tartar
Government."
Foiled in their endeavours to create a
direct tnide with China, the Company sought
to achieve their end by indirect means. Their
new plan was to establish factories somewhere
in the vicinity of China where they could get
into touch with Chinese traders. What seemed
at the time to be a favourable opportunity
offered in consequence of the capture of Tywan,
Formosa, from the Dutch in 1664 by a venture-
some Chinese chief Mandarin, who followed
up his occupation of the island by establishing
something like a regal authority over its
inhabitants. This chief was reported to be
friendly to traders. It subsequently appeared
that his friendliness only consisted in a desire
to have in the foreigners' ships a convenient
milch cow to supply his warlike necessities.
But the Company were too eager at the time
to get a foothold in the China seas to examine
very closely into the motives which prompted
the indirect overture which was made to them.
In 1670 they despatched two small ships
to Tywan to reconnoitre the position. A
friendly reception was given to the Company's
representatives, who finally left with a signed
permit from the King for the establishment
of a factory. The next year two ships,
the Bantam Merchant and the Crown, were
sent out to Tywan, but the results of the
voyage were only partially successful because,
s:»ys a naive coinmunication sent home by
the factors, " of some perfidious Chinese
and our yett inexperience in those parts."
After this an effort was made to open up a
trade with Japan by vessels sent direct from
England ; but the venture was a complete
failure. One of the ships was captured by
the Dutch, and the other, after a circuitous
and protracted voyage, arrived lionie with
little to its account, but a heavy bill of costs.
The Bantam agency was anxious to resort to
the old Dutch method of capturing junks to
compel Japan to open her ports. But the
Court with great good sense wrote, " We
like not what ye wrote to become robbers
or to attempt to p'cure our trade with force,
although they (the Japanese) have dealt un-
kindly with us." The Court at the same
time thought that much good might be done
by cultivating the friendship of the King of
Tywan, for they accounted the establishment
at Tywan to be of great importance. Mean-
while, in opposition to this view, it was
(From a print, o( the date 165$, in De Goyer and De Keyser's "Embassy to China.'^
reported from Tywan that no great progress
was being made. The junks proceeding to
Japan refused to have anything to do with
the English cloths, and there were few open-
ings in other directions for lucrative business.
Simultaneously with the opening of a trade
with Formosa the Company took measures
to establish a factory in Tonkin. The Dutch
had long maintained an agency there, and
it was thought tliat the Company could not
do better than follow their rivals' example,
more especially in view of the determination
come to to promote a circuitous trade with
China. To further the enterprise the Zanl
frigate was sent out in 1672 with a full
cargo and a capable crew commanded by
W. Gyfford, one of the Company's trusted
servants. 'The ship reached the Tonkin
River on June 25th, and on the following
day passed up the tideway some 14 miles.
Then the frigate was ordered to stop until
permission had been procured for it to
proceed to Hien, the capital. A Mandarin —
one Ung-ja-Thay — came on board while the
vessel was lying-to, and the Company's repre-
sentatives in order to get on good terms with
him made hitn a pi esent of " 6 yards of
scarlet, 2 sword blades and 2 silver hafted
knives." These gifts apparently had not the
desired effect, for when the ship was pro-
ceeding up the river on July 6th, "the Man-
darin being this day aboard, pinioned the
captain and threatened to cut off the chief
mate's head, because they would not tow the
ship against a violent stream." However, "at
last they were forced to try but as soon as
the anchor was up the tide or current carried
down the ship in spite of all help ; soe he
was something appeased."
" Were it not that we have respect for the
Company's affairs," observe the factors in
their curious chronicle of the voyage, " we
should have resisted any such affront, though
we saw but little hopes of escaping, being
so far up the river and our ship so full of
soldiers."
Mr. Gyfford told the Mandarin that putting
such dishonour upon them as to pinion the
captain seemed very strange to them, and
therefore they desired no other favour from
him but leave to go back again, for they be-
lieved their honourable employers would not
trade there upon such terms. The Mandarin
answered " that while we were out we might
have kept out ; the King was King of Tonquin
before we came there and would be after we
departed ; and that this country had no need
of any foreign thing ; but now we are within
his power we must be obedient thereto ; com-
paring it to the condition of a married woman,
who can blame no one but herself for being
brought into bondage." The Mandarin, mean-
while, made free of the ship's stores. " He
calls for wine at his pleasure and gives it
amongst his soldiers and secretaries, forcing
them and our seamen to drink full cups only
to devour it." Afterwards the Mandarin
plundered the ship shamelessly, and later
some of the Royal house and leading officials
joined in the business. In the absence of
the King of Tonkin, who was away fighting
the Cochin Chinese, letters were delivered to
his son asking permission to build a factory.
In a summary of the proceedings Gyfford
stales the Mandarin " ransacked our ship at
his pleasure carrying away all our English
cloth, stuffs, lead and guns and anything
else that we hoped to make profit by, and
told us that the King would buy them — which
is true, but it will be at his own rates. . . .
With all our industry we have not been able
to do more than to unload the ship and
procure a chop for settling at Hien and send
of I our goods during the King's absence."
TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 23
In another report dated, August 7, 1672,
the factors further dilate upon their troubles :
" Two voyages were made up to the city
Catcliao, first to procure the prince's chop to
land goods and second to make prices of our
goods they took from us for the King's use,
which was all we hoped to gain by ; but
they made us such prices as the Company
would lose by, except the cloth stuff and
guns ; and would have forced upon us silk
at 40 p.c. dearer than might be procured
abroad. ... It would be ot ill conse-
quence to the Company's affairs to allow
such an imposition, they at their own rates
abating ours and raising their own goods ;
and measuring our cloth by a false measure
contrary to custom, which is barely the Dutch
ell to which they added nearly a 2oth part.
They are the most deceitful, craving and
thievish people that ever we came among.
But we are encouraged to hope that the King
will hear our complaints and remedy all these
things for us at his return." On the 12th of
August the Zaiif dropped down the river and
left on her return voyage. Afterwards Gyfford
occupied himself in establishing the factory
at Hien. In letters to Bantam and the
Court, Gyfford, James and Waite, the factors,
enumerated the goods that were likely to be
most profitable. They concluded ; "'Tis not
convenient to send much goods hither. Prin-
cipally send what pieces of eight you can ;
for the life of this trade is money, and unless
the most part of the Company's stock sent
hither be in money this factory cannot yield
profit."
" It had been far better to have seen a
trade opened northward, before we engaged
in this expense, as we declared at Bantam."
" It is difficult to recover money from the
prince ; yet he must not be denied more
goods whenever he sends for them ; we
understand the King pays well, but his son
conceives it sufficient that he intends to do
the same when he succeeds to the throne.
. . . The usual way with the mandarins is
to take goods agreeing to pay at the same
time and in the same manner as the King ;
so that being interested, they prevent us
paying him so well as he is disposed to do.
He this year gave order to pay us in Plate ;
but the mandarins refused to obey and would
pay us only in bad silk at a high price. The
Dutch upon a like abuse being unable to get
their petition presented to the King, brought
their trumpet to the King's gate and obtained
immediate access and redress. If your
Honours continue here it must be upon such
hazardous terms as we have related ; and
you cannot blame your servants who are in
reality no better than slaves."
" It is the policy of the King to repress
trade lest the people grow rich and rebel ;
of which he is very fearful by reason of the
great population of the kingdom. He also
receives four-fifths of the profits of the land
and is very rich in gold and silver. The
people if they have anything bury it and
are afraid of making any unusual appear-
ance in their houses or apparel lest they
should be thought to have money ; therefore
it is impossible to induce them to wear
anything but what they are accustomed to ;
neither would the King permit it, for all are
habited alike according to their rank, in the
distinction of which they are very exact, for
not only a different title but also a different
language is used according to the rank of
the person addressed. . . . The Dutch have
been settled in Tonquin forty years — for the
first four years they suffered great affronts ;
but they bore all and in all things endea-
voured to oblige the King and still continue
to do so on account of the great profit they
make on silk in Japan. The Dutch bring
very little goods except for presents, and
small quantities of such gruff goods as the
King will not meddle with ; their chief profit
is on what they buy. Rich curiosities,
instruments, or materials of war, never escape
the King. Indeed, he lakes whatever he
fancies at his own rates. The Dutch take
care to supply him with things of this
description, but only with such as turn to
profit ; . . . We must do the same and
forbear to furnish him with lead, for which
he has only allowed one-fourth the cost and
charges."
The factors experienced great difficulty in
securing payment for the goods they sold,
but in the end by sheer pertinacity they
obtained some sort of an adjustment. Des-
pite the discouraging results achieved, the
Court in 1676-77 sent out another ship to
trade in Tonkin. It was received in much
the same manner as the Zaiit had been four
years previously. The factors' old friend,
Ung-ja-Thay, was early on the scene making
himself pleasant in his peculiar way. He
first of all wanted to beach the ship in oider
to inspect the cargo, but on receiving a sola-
tium of no dollars he agreed "to let the
ship alone and to proceed no further in his
ruinous intent." The usual presents were
made to the King, but His Majesty proved
fastidious and returned some of them as not
to his liking. The incident led to the des-
patch of a letter to the Bantam authorities
advising them how to proceed in future in
this important matter. " We would request
you," says the communication, "to write them
(the King and his son) letters in China char-
acters' and English or Portuguese sewed up
in a piece of China gold stuff, and sealed
each apart ; and insert (specify ?) your present
to them in your letter, which must not be
toys, but substantial things ; as great guns,
broad cloth, serges, large pieces rough amber
— the deeper coloured the better, or large
pieces of well-polished coral. The present
of the Dutch to the King this year was four
pieces of cloth, two sacker guns, a corge of
fine cloth, and a chest of rosewater. So in
proportion you may order your presents there,
and get them up handsomely as those of the
Dutch are." That these instructions were
not superfluous was shown a few months
after the letter was written. About that time
the factors were endeavouring to obtain the
grant of a site for a factory and, in order to
secure his goodwill, had made a present
of amber to the King's eldest son. The
prince, not finding the tint of the amber
exactly to his taste, returned the presents
without ceremony. He took care to let it be
known that the only amber which would
please him must be "as red as fire." Soon
after this incident a mysterious message from
the King reached the ship, demanding the
attendance of the commander, the gunner,
and the carpenter. The trio went wonder-
ingly, and on arrival at the palace found
that His Majesty wanted to show them a
great gun which his subjects had cast to fit
some shot which the Company's ships had
brought out. The weapon was duly inspected
and discreetly commended. But it seemed
that the King had not sunnnoned them
merely to survey and admire his subjects'
handiwork. Clever as the Tonkinese were
they had not been able to devise a contri-
vance for moving the gun, so the Englishmen
were commanded to manufacture a crane for
the purpose, on the lines of contrivances
used on their vessels. The direction was
obeyed and the crane duly supplied. " Yet,"
as the factors plaintively remark in one of
their reports, " we had not so much as thanks
though a man was ordered to oversee the
work and did nothing else for near three
months together." The King, in fact, took
all that he could get and gave little in return.
His subjects faithfully copied his example, in
many cases indeed improving upon it. Under
the strain of an intolerable situation the
Company's agents became very despondent.
Writing to Bantam about a month after the
delivery of the crane they say : " As to the
state of the Company's affairs here we know
not what to advise, having to do with an
unreasonable and untruthful people ; for the
more we endeavour to oblige them the
greater disappointments we find from them."
Notwithstanding the discouraging conditions,
the negotiations for a site for a factory were
continued until August, 1678, when, by dint
of bribery, a licence was obtained from the
King for the establishment of a factory on
a site below the Dutch factory. The plot of
ground given, the agent reported, " is not so
large as we desire, but need hath no law."
The consideration for the site was a brass
and an iron gun and shot. The former was
returned as defective, and the Tonkinese
" would not hear anything alledged in proof
of the goodness of the gun, for having once
refused it, no replications avail, though they
see the gun fired a hundred times." Appar-
ently this allegation of the defectiveness of
the gun was only a subterfuge to cover a
repudiation of the bargain that had been
come to. At all events, in October of the
same year the report was made to Bantam
that the King would not grant the ground
this year " being his climacterical year,
wherein he is so ceremoniously observant,
that no kind of public affairs has been com-
menced." The affair of the site dragged on
for some years, until after the death of the
King. A grant was ultimately made by his
successor and a regular establishment formed
subordinate to Bantam, until the factory was
captured by the Dutch when the control was
vested in Surat.
At the station a certain amount of trade
was done under restrictions peculiar to the
place. One custom which proved very
irksome and expensive was for the great
men of the country to repair at odd times
to the factory for purposes of entertainment.
They did not wait for an invitation, but with
their women folk dropped in just when the
fancy took them. Gratuities had to be given
to the women for the exercise of their vocal
powers, and there were other charges which
had to be defrayed out of the Company's
exchequer. We have an account of one of
these entertainments in the following entry
in the factor's journal under date October 18,
1694: "The Duch Ung came to ye factory
a little after noone, bringing with him abun-
dance of women, his mother and severall of
his wives ; and presently after he had drank
a cupp of Tea came about 20 Bandigaes of
Tonqueen fashioned victualls of his own, he
treating with them all ye factory and his
own people. A little before night wee pre-
sented our entertainment likewise. He ate
not himself, but ye women and his attendants
all participated. They danced and sung all
ye afternoone, and ye evening at their depar-
ture wee gave them 20,000 cassies." The
factory lingered on for some little time after
this episode, and then in consequence of
heavy defalcations on the part of the leading
factor and the general unprofitableness of the
business the establishment was withdrawn.
All the time that the Company was carrying
through this costly experiment in Tonkin
it was endeavouring by other means to ex-
tend its trade in the China seas. The capture
of Amoy by the King of Formosa in 1675
24 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONCJKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
supplied what al the first Mush appeared to
be a most promisinj; openiiiK lor direct
business rcbtions with Chiiu. The King
wa» not "Illy willing, but anxious for foreign
mrrcfaants to trade, and as an inducement
all expect the like or think themselves
slighted." " Wee .is merchants," Ihe Court's
letter proceeded, " have hitherto only treated
with them by our (actors upon the respective
places, and shall continue so to doc until
r
AXOT, FHOM THE OUTER ANCHORAGE.
(From .in engraving.)
he held out an offer of exemption from
customs and other duties for three years.
The concession in the end proved illusory,
but it served the intended purpose of attract-
ing traders to this new centre. In 1676-77,
the Company's (rigalc Tyicati, as an experi-
ment, was orclered lo go to Amoy and there
take on hoard a cargo of silk, and shortly
afterwards a faiiory was established. In
October, 1677, the head-quarters of the Com-
pany in China was transferred from Tywan
to this new centre, the pros|x;cts of which
seemed at the time to he encouraging enough
lo justify a special effort on the part of the
Oimpany. 'The Aiik)V establishment thus
organised consisted of Mr. lienjainln Delaune
as chief factor, on a salary of £Ho per annum,
a second factor on a salary of £'50, a third
on one of £40, and four writers at ;^lo each
per annum. 'These emoluments appear ridicu-
lously small, but it has lo be remembered
that the Company's servants were allowed
to engage in private trade, and there is
ample evidence that they freely availed them-
selves of the privilege, sometimes to the
marked disadvantage of the Company. The
liopcs entertained of Amoy were doomed to
speedy disappointment. When the King of
Tjrwan had got the factors completely in his
power he calmly rescinded the concession
relative lo exemption from customs' duties.
In vain Ihe Company's agents protested
ag/utat what they properly regarded as a
KToas breach of faith. The King's officials
blandly made llieir demands and would
accept no compromise. It was suggested
at the time by the Company's agent at
Amoy that g<M>d might t>e done by the
despatch of a special envoy from the Com-
pany to the King. But the Court very
emphatically rejected the proposal. While
they did not think that the least advantage
would accrue from sending such a personage,
a mission they considered would be expen-
sive and would " hegett a greater expcciation
fr<i«n the princes in those parts who would
their be just ground to make an alteration."
Bantam was instrucled to expostulate against
the unreasonable terms imposed, but matters
were "to be carried fair at Tywan till a sure
settlement is formed at Amoy or some other
place in China, where we design the chiefe of
our trade." At about this period the Com-
pany's operations were greatly hampered by
advantage of all the opportunities that offered
for commercial intercourse with Cliina.
Eventually the Dutch captured the Bantam
factory, and the direction of the Company's
interests was, as has been stated, transferred
to Sural, a far too distant point for really
effective control. Before this event occurred,
in May, i(>79, an invitation was forwarded
home from the Viceroy of Canton for a ship
or ships to go to that port. The Court, in
acknowledging the communication, expressed
thi-mselves doubtful as to the possibilities of
lucrative trade in view of the disturbed condi-
tion of Cliina. They added, " Yet forasmuch
as China may introduce a very considerable
trade and sent for English manufactures,
we hope in time when the wars shall
be ended and peace restored y' upon our
application to the Eniperor, wee may be
admitted to a Freedome of Commerce
in that country." Afterwards the Court re-
considered the determination expressed in
this letter to allow matters to rest. In a
conimunication dated August 12, 1681, they
wrote : " Wee have had many conferences
concerning the commencement of a trade
for Canton, upon which wee have thus far
agreed, viz., that it is a very desirable and
profitable trade — that the China silk comodi-
tyes from thence are generally better than
from Amoy — as also that it might be a place
in lime to sent a considerable quantity of our
English manufacture, in soe much that wee
should now have sent you a ship and cargo
proper and purposely for that trade ; but wee
are in doubt of two things : First, we are
not satisfied either by our owne letters or
by discourse with Mr. Marshall, English
Dacres, and Captaine Nicholson, or any other
that you have a sul'licient Chop or Phynnand,
from the Vice King or supream person in
autiiority at Canton for the security of our
ships estate and servants, which wee may
send thither. Our 2nd doubt is lest if wee
should send a ship thither the Chiiieeses at
Amoy, being at a kind of enmity with the
ENTRANCE INTO THE CITY OF AMOY.
(From Allom & VVriglils "Cliina.")
the inefficiency of the Bantam establishment.
The officials there sf> gravely mismanaged
affairs that the Company's interests in the
Straits were imperilled for Ihe time being,
and meanwhile the Dutch were taking full
Tartars and people at Canton and being
themselves a jealous, suspitious people should
take such offence at the news thereof, as
might in the consequence turne to tlie great
prejudice, hazard, or loss of our alTaiics,
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPEESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 25
estate and servants at Amoy ; wtiere you
will see our concerns are very considerable
this year and like in our opinion (if not
interrupted) greatly to increase in the next."
The Court nevertheless gave a discretionary
power to Bantam to send one of the Com-
pany's ships already with them to Canton
with ;^3,ooo or ;^'4,ooo of stock to make a
trial of trade there. They further intimated
that they would ne.xt year consign a ship
direct to Canton with liberty to Bantam to
divert her to Amoy if her proceeding to the
former should be deemed dangerous. Finally
the Court directed that if Bantam had dis-
posed of the ships for the season they might
hire one to send to Canton.
Before the instructions could be carried out
Amoy had been recaptured from the King
of Tywan by the Tartars, and the Company
temporarily cut off from its principal base in
the Eastern seas. In the circumstances the
Court proposed that four vessels which were
being sent out to Amoy should proceed in
company to Macao and that a fifth vessel
should voyage to the Lampeco Islands, where
the Court were informed the Dutch had in
one year " laden twenty vessels with goods
of those parts, especially from Canton, and
rode there in safety and out of command."
Although the arrangements here do not appear
to have been carried out in their integrity
there is a record of the visit of two of the
Company's ships, the China Merchant and
the Tywan, to the mouth of the Canton River
in 1682. On their arrival becoming known
at Canton war junks came out to impede
commerce and they weie unable to do more
than a trifling trade. The supercargoes le-
ported home the reasons for their failure :
'■That which formerly made the trade of this
place to flourish," they said, " was the King
of Canton hiniselfe being a promoter of it
and interested therein," but being suspected
of holding a correspondence with the King
of Tywan he was put to death by the Em-
peror's orders in 1680, and the most eminent
merchants of the place were treated with
" much severity." Since then Canton had
been governed "by divers great Manderins,"
who by their vast extortions practised on the
merchants whom they privately permitted to
trade to the Macao Islands had " much de-
pressed commerce and discouraged merchants
from undertaking great matters."
The Tartar admiral, acting, it was stated,
at the instigation of the Portuguese, ordered
the two ships to leave their anchorage in
the river. Subsequently they proceeded to
Lampton or Twa, but finding a Tartar fleet
there returned to their previous anchoring
ground at Tempa Hebreda, near Macao.
Here they landed what cargo they could and
left early in 1682-83, fof Batavia. In October
of the same year the ship Carolina was des-
patched from England with orders to go to
Macao and if they were not admitted there
to proceed to Tempa Cabrado " where ye
merchants of Canton," the instructions said,
" will come over and deal with you for ye
whole ship's loading." The supercargoes
were cautioned to be very wise and circum-
spect in negotiating "they (the Canton mer-
chants) being a very cunning, deceitfull
people." " In standing with them to draw
them to the most advantageous terms," pro-
ceeded the letter of advice, "pretend that
you must speedily go to Amoy or Hock-
shew, and what other arguments you can
think on, to cause them to mend their last
rates on both sides of ye account. If you
cannot do all your business to your content
at Tempa Cabiijdo, yet if it be possible get
admission to settle yourselves a factory at
Canton and to have constant residence in
ye citty upon ye best terms you can. The
more to induce them to grant you a settle-
ment in Canton upon good terms, you may
propound our sending them four or six
ships of war, to serve them in their wars
against any but European nations at ye
rate of I2d. per ton p. diem for twelve
mos. They paying half of ye ship's freight
or hire to you in hand upon the ship's first
arrival at Canton. . . . The Court would
rather send eight ships of war than two, as
they would be the better able to cope with
the Dutch or any other that might obstruct
them." If they failed at Canton they were
to attempt to found a settlement at Hock-
chew or Amoy.
The Carolina, in spite of the obslructive-
ness of the Portuguese, contrived, by bribing
the Mandarins with the war boats sent out to
shepherd her, to do some business. It does
not appear from the records that any arrange-
home the ship China Merchant was des-
patched to Amoy to prosecute the trade
which it was sanguinely hoped the Delight
had opened up. On arrival at Amoy the
supercargoes were well received by the
Mandarins, who doubtless regarded the ship
as another pigeon to pluck. A letter left
for the newcomers by the supercargo of
the Delight, however, allowed no room for
misconception as to the character of the
Mandarins — " these rogues," as the writer
styled them. " Gentlemen," the communi-
cation said, " these are a people of noe
courtesy ; they will promise you mountains
but not perform a molehill. . . They may
chance to wheedle you to give a present to
ye Poke of HoccheAT and ye Booeh and
likewise ye Chungisun who is general! of
ye military affaires here ; he may tell ye a
faire story but take this from me, he has
nothing to do but give ye Booeh an ace'
SEELANDIA, ISLAND OF TyWAN.
(From Caron's "Jappati aiul Syani," published 1663.)
ment was made with the Chinese to afford
them help in their warlike operations, or
that the question was even seriously mooted.
The obstinate determination of the Chinese
Government to have nothing to do with the
foreigner apparently was proof against all
representations however attractively presen-
ted. At Amoy in 1682 it seemed for a time
that the old conditions of trade enjoyed
under the rule of the King of Tywan might
be restored. A ship, the Delight, sent out
by the Company two months later than the
Carolina, put into the port, and after a
lavish distribution of presents amongst tlie
ruling Mandarins obtained permission to
trade. But before the loading was far ad-
vanced peiemptory orders were issued for
the vessel to leave, and the captain had no
alternative but to obey, although to do so
meant heavy loss to the Company. Before
the news of their contretemps could reach
from whence your ship is and j'e like."
After giving details of the tortuous dealings
of the Amoy Mandarins the writer wound
up with a general caution telling them to be
careful to prevent disputes between the
sailors and the natives, not to sell any goods
to the great men without the cash in hand ;
to open every bundle of silk before they paid
for it and never to pay for any connnodity
until the seller had settled the custom dues
thereon.
Tlie China Merchant appears to have pro-
fited by this good advice. It got on passably
well witli the Mandarins, was actively
patronised by the merchants, and finally left
" chock full." The reason for the contra-
dictions manifested in the policy pursued
towards different vessels of the Company at
this period was explained by " the great
Padre " — a French Jesuit — to the supercargoes
of a ship sent out to Macao in 1684. " He
26 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
told them that the best port for trade was
IJankin. from whence the finest wrought and
raw silk came. To inquiries whether it was
poesihlc to procure the Emperor's permission
to settle at Anwy, Hockchew, Fochin, or
Nankin, he replied that he believed that it
might be obtained but that the best mode of
trade was by ships ' lo and again,' for there
was a constant change of Governors and
nothing could be done without making tliem
presents, which retarded the conclusion of
liusiness. The Emperor was desirous of
ena)uraging the ingress of foreigners to his
ports, for which purpose he had thrown open
the trade for three years, half of whicli was
expired, and if all things went on well this
freedom was likely to be continued ; but tlie
Chinese were very jealous of strangers and
did not like factories or settlements. The
Padre cautioned the captain not to enter any
river or any way to put himself into the
power of tlie Chinese ; and instanced their
conduct to the Dutch last year at Anioy, who
were impiisoned till half their goods were
taken for nothing and were then obliged to
make large presents lo be allowed to depart.
The Emperor did not permit and was ignorant
of such conduct, but the officers knowing their
time was short ' make liay while the sun
shines.' "
CHAPTER III.
Efort* lo open a Trade with Canton — Troubles of the East India Company with " Interlopers " — A Mission to
Cochin China — First Elnglish E!stablishment at Canton — Formation of a Permanent China Council by the East
India Company — An Elstablishment formed in Chusan — Abandonment of Chusan Factory and Foundation of an
Establishment at Pulo Condore — Affairs at Canton.
Ekcodragbd by the somewh.it qualified
success of the Amoy enterprises, and stimu-
lated also by the activity of the Dutch, who
after their occupation of Bantam made great
efforts to capture the China trade, the East
India Comp.iny, in 1687, sent out several
ships. Two of them, the Loudon and the
Worcester, were despatched lo Amoy, and
there, in August of the same year, a com-
mencement was made with the establishment
of a factory by the hiring of a house. Some
ciays afterwards the fair prospect which
Amoy had its advantages, but there were
no delusions at home as to its inferiority as
a centre of trade compared with Canton.
In 1689 90 the Court despatched the ship
Defence out with special instructions to
attempt to open up trade with that port. On
September ist the vessel arrived at an anchor-
age about " 15 leagues to the fclastward of
Macao," and tlie supercargoes landed "in a
fair sandy bay in siglit of ye Maccoa Islands."
At a town they came to they procured three
bamboo chairs and eleven wheelbarrows
CXTy OK .A.MUY FltOM THK TOMBS,
(From Allom H. Wright's "Cliina.')
teemed to have opened up was obscured by a
"regrelUble incident. " A drunken English
sailor, wandering about at night, found his way
to the Custom House, which he broke open.
To acc'immodate the matter the factors went
to the leading official. This person "was
kind and civill and all he desired was a due
punishment might be given to him (the sailor)
by (Mirselvcs according (as in our opinion)
ye cTime meritled ; w'h was inflicted in
public view aslKjre by 100 stripes with a call
of nine lailes and Pickle to their satisfaction."
" much more convenient than our English
ones, but somewhat more noisy, for twas
easy to hear them a league off." On their
way to Canton the trio were well received
and strangely enough the Mandarins would
neither accept presents themselves nor allow
their followers to take them. Arrived at
Canton the supercargoes without difficulty
obtained a chop for the ship to proceed up
the river ; but to their mortification the captain
declined to move from the anchorage to which
he had proceeded about six leagues off Macao.
His excuse was that he had struck his
topmasts and could not get away. But it
appeared that there were other and more
personal reasons for his rchictance to accept
instructions. He seems to have been busy
doing an active private trade, "forestalling"
the Company's agents in several directions.
These delinquencies, however, faded into
insignificance by the side of one indiscretion
which had a tragic result and eventually
wrecked the entire enterprise. While ashore
one day the Captain got into an altercation
with the Chinese about a mast. After a
scuffle the captain's men bore away the trophy
in triumph, but as they went off in the boats
the natives, irritated at their discomfiture,
pelted them with stones. Upon this the
captain gave orders to his men to fire,
and a volley was directed to the crowd
on the shore with unfortunate results, one
Chinaman being killed outright and another
wounded. The fire was returned and the
native pilot who stood by the captain was
wounded. But this was not the worst outcome
of the business. " In this confusion," says
the account sent to the Court by the super-
cargoes, " ye poore doctor 3rd and 5th mate
and 7 Englishmen on shore were not thought
on, or neglected, the pinnice and long boat
having cutt loose ye mast making a way from
ye shoar, who had they stay'd but a few
minutes longer might have received our poor
Doctoi-, who with some others making towards
ye boat was miserably cut down in their sight.
Later news was brought that the doctor
mortally wounded was drag'd by ye cruell
Tartars into their Cajan Watch House, where
he lies on ye ground chain'd in his gore most
miserably, with ye stinking dead corps (after
it had been carried around ye towne ye more
to irritate ye Chinese) lay'd by him and none
suffered to come near and dress his wounds,
and all ye rest of his people (save ye two
mates which (I) believe have sheltered them-
selves amongst ye Portuguez) bound miserably
in ye same house."
The supercargoes offered 2,800 taels to
accommodate the affair, but the Mandarins
demanded S,ooo, and not receiving this
amount they detained one of the super-
cargoes to enforce the payment. The captain,
who throughout had acted in a spirit of
absolute independence, finding the turn that
events had taken s-et sail without the super-
c.ugo, and so what seemed a most promising
opening for securing a foothold at Canton
ended in the official classes being turned
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OE HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 27
once more stro[if«ly aj;ainst the traders.
Apart from this unfortunate episode the times
were not at this period propitious for the
China trade. "Interlopers" had become a
source of serious anxiety to the Company.
On the one hand they made things difficult
in China by submitting to exactions ; on tlie
other they injured sales at home by flood-
ing the market with goods at low rates. The
Court, writing to Madras in October, 1690,
thus explained the situation : " China goods of
all sorts are in very low esteem here ; we sell
them cheaper than ever we did in times of
peace. That trade hath been much overlaid
of late and must be declined for a while to
recover its reputation. Lacq'' ware of Ton-
quin is a great drugg and so is Thea except
it be supertine, and conies in pots, tubs or
chests that give it no ill scent of the oyl, or
any other matter. The custom upon Thea
here is about five shillings p. pound, whereas
a mean sort of Thea will not sell for above
two shillings or two shillings and sixpence
(p. pound)." In another communication of a
somewhat earlier period the Court, depressed
by the failure of their projects in the Far
East, made a novel suggestion to their agents
at Madras : " We have," they wrote, " no
kind of thoughts of spending any part of the
Company's stock in any new port or factory
at present, except upon the generalls arrivall
he and you should resolve to settle some
place in or near the South Seas, where the
Chineeses may resort to and cohabit with us
(without passing by Mallacca or Batavia)
under the protection of our fortificalion and
plant sugars and Betlenut, keep shops, and
do all other business as they do under the
Dutch at Batavia, for which we should be
content to allow them our encouragement
and protection, paying us one fourth part in
all respects of what they pay the Dutch, and
we should order all our China ships to stop
there going and returning for encouragement
of the place." This proposal was not acted
upon, but the entry is interesting as an indi-
cation that the Company so far back as the
end of the seventeenth century grasped the
importance of the possession of great
entrepots such as Singapore and Hongkong
afterwards became.
The Company's fight against trade rivals
at this period was of such a character as to
leave it little energy for any fresh adventures.
A new charter was under consideration by
Parliament, and pending its issue " inter-
lopers " were everywhere active, doing their
best to capture trade which the Company
regarded as its own. How bitterly the
Court resented these rival efforts is to be
seen in the following order which was
issued in reference to trade in the early
part of 1693: "We have and do continue
and confirm our indulgence for all Bengali
and China goods to be sent home by the
Armenians and all English merchants,
our owne servants and all other persons
whatsoever upon the same terms of consign-
ment and indulgence as last yeare ; it being
of absolute necessity for us so to do untill
our Charter be thoroughly settled by Act of
Parliament, without which permission and
indulgence during the Company's unsettle-
ment it will be impossible soe to curb the
avaritious corrupt nature of mankind but that
some officers of our owne ships or others
of our servants will be tempted secretly at
least to assist and countenance interlopers for
the very end of sending home by the inter-
loping ships goods prohibited by our Charter
Partys — notwithstanding any oaths or other
obligations they have entered into to us."
The Company secured its new charter in
October, 1693. Under it its exclusive privi-
leges were extended for a period of twenty-
one years, and it was empowered to add
;£"744,ooo to its slock. The powers conferred
brought a welcome addition of strength to
the Company, but they did not set the trade
of the Far East free from the baneful in-
fluence of the wicked interloper. When the
Court was despatching the ship Tniiiiball to
Amoy, in 1697, it gave the supercargo
specific instructions to hasten the voyage so
as to anticipate a Mr. Gough who was
sending out an interloping ship or two.
"And if between you," they said, "you could
secure to yourselves Amo, or whoever else
you find the most considerable merchants on
the place by such apt ways, and means, as
to hinder his, or their, assisting the inter-
lopers, it will be a very commendable and
dexterous piece of service, which we think
should not be a very difficult thing to effect,
if you can make him or them rightly sen-
sible that the Company are a permanent
lasting body, likely to continue, having settle-
ments in diverse parts of India and their
fiiendship worth courting and preserving;
whereas the interlopers are a sort of licen-
tious people whose interests often thwart
one another, at least run in different chan-
nells, and are likely never to come thither
again, after having once made a voyage."
The interlopers continued to give trouble for
long afterwards, and complications were
added by "country" ships from India at-
tempting to cut into the trade. The latter
class of rivals, however, burnt their fingers
so severely over their enterprises, owing to
the exactions to which they were subjected,
that they speedily dropped out of the run-
ning. Meanwhile, the Court, with intent to
secure a new trading centre in the China
seas, opened up negotiations with the King
of Cochin China, for the establishment of a
factory in his dominions. This was not the
first attempt of the Company to obtain a
lodgment in Cochin China. Early in the
century a factory had been established in the
King's territory, but its life was brief and
its end tragic. After numerous disputes with
the native officialdom the chief agent one
day openly resented the extortions practised
upon him. A fight ensued, which resulted
in the massacre of the entire eslablishment.
Those were days when British prestige was
at a very low ebb, and the outrage went
unavenged. More than this, with the story
staining its records, the Company, eighty
years later, on a hint from the then King,
was ready to cringe for favours which His
High Mightiness might be pleased in his
great condescension to extend to it. In
acknowledging a letter from the monarch
inviting the Company to trade, Mr. Nathaniel
Higginson, the president at Madras, in a
strain of exaggerated hyperbole, commended
His Majesty for his liberality. The King's
ancestors, the letter said, had forbidden trade,
but their "luster was confined within their
own bounds," but now His Majesty's fame
" like the sun would shine throughout the
world." Not to be outdone in flattery, the
King thus responded ; " Supreme Governours
and Princely Councillour, who represents
ye chief person of ye Western axis, which
receives its name from ye Northern Pole
hanging over it— the English who perfectly
understand whatsoever is contained in ye
Book of ye 6 Sheaths and ye Three
Orations, so called among us, and containing
wholesome doctrine — who have ye strength
and courage of ye Bear, ye Tigre and ye
Panther — who industriously nourish ye mili-
tary art, and perfectly understand not only
ye Heavens, but ye earth, ye wind, ye clouds
and ye airy regions — whose understanding
reaches ye sun, and whose hands are able
to sustain ye firmament — who are so very
carefull in clioosing governors and ruling
their subjects ; in ye protecting of their
people, in giving honour to great and
worthy men, in kindness to foreigners — and
although ye distance from us hinders our
personall conversation, yet our minds are
never separated from you in esteem and
affection." He proceeded to say that the
season was now past for trade, but
that if the ship returned next year all
requests would be freely granted, and thus
would be introduced "a new method of
trade, that making use of ye riches that
are under Heaven, we may gain ye love of
all ye nations of ye Northern and Southern
climates."
The reception accorded to the Company's
agents was hardly in accord with the
unctuously friendly tone of the letter. On
arrival off the coast they landed and were
entertained at the hut of a fisherman " with
boiled snake and black rice." After a con-
siderable delay they were carried across the
river to " ye Barre Towne " where they
were received by a great company of armed
men. After some general questions they
were told to stand up, in order, says the
factor's narrative, " that their men might feel
us (it being their custom) which they did
examining our pockets .... as if they
searched for diamonds, &c. A Common
Prayer Book and other of like bulk, they
must know what was writt in them, and
what language with many other imper-
tinences." Eventually the visitors were
allowed to depart, but an order was given,
and had to be obeyed, for the unloading of
the ship in order that the cargo might be
inspected. The King took what goods he
wanted, but the Company was not much
better off for the transactions because of the
action of " certain Japaners," who priced the
goods sold low in their own interests. Here
for the moment we must leave the Cochin
China enterprise. There was an interesting
sequel, but before we come to that we must
deal with a rather important development in
the China trade. This was the despatch in
1698-99 by the English East India Company,
as distinguished from the London Company,
of the first ship sent direct to China by them.
This vessel, the Macclesfield galley, arrived
off Macao on August 26, 1699. Soon after
the anchor had been dropped a Canton
merchant, Sheamea by name, came on board
and offered to take the entire cargo. It
subsequently proved that his overtures were
part of a conspiracy amongst the Cantonese
traders to keep down prices. How the affair
was worked is described in this interesting
passage from the ship's journal; "Sheamea
on his departure desired us to try the market
and we would then finde that his offers were
the best ; this was part of the plot, they having
agreed to bandy us about from one party to
the other, and that each should offer less
than the other for our goods, and advance
the price of their own, till at last we should
be glad to agree with Sheamea who was to
make the best offers and finish the contract,
in which each party was to have their
determined shares. The existence of this
combination was further demonstrated by the
following circumstances, viz. — Having some
suspicion we privately marked the silks and
found that all the parties produced the same
musters — one party mentioning what another
party had enjoined as a secret, and on our
going to visit one of them we found them all
in consultation, which with other concurring
circumstances left no doubt of the combina-
tion."
I. FA^AOE of THK (iKKAI Tl^UI>LI.
VIEWS AT MACAO.
2. Gknekal View.
3. Chapel ok the Great Temple.
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
29
The Enjjlishmcii, after coiisultiiif; together,
thought that the Company's interest would
be best served by their proceeding to Canton
and disposing of their goods there. They had
previously found the Cliinese authorities very
courteous, but tlie chop given them only
permitted trade at Macao, and consequently
a new permit would have to be obtained
before the ship could be taken into the
Canton Kiver. In these circumstances two of
the supercargoes, Messrs. Douglas and Biggs,
were sent to Canton to negotiate with the
authorities. They were kindly received on
arrival in the city by the two Hoppos, and
also met with a friendly reception from
M. Bonac, the P'rench agent, who had been
a resident since 1698. M. Bonac invited the
visitors to stay at his house, but from jealousy
of the designs of the French, the factors
declined the offer, though they accepted an
invitation to dinner. The full permit to
trade having been obtained the Mncdcsfwld
galley entered the river on October 3rd, and
anchored at Whampoa near a French ship
from Madras and a "Moor ship" from Surat.
Six days later, on going ashore to pitch his
lent, the captain was attacked by a large
armed party from the French ship, and his
men were severely beaten. A complaint was
made to the chief Hoppo of the outrage, but
he, while sympathising with the English, said
that as the French ship had come with an
ambassador and presents it was beyond his
jurisdiction. In the circumstances as the
French were overwhelmingly strong there
was no alternative but for the captain of
tlie Macclesfield galley to pocket the affront.
Though this unpleasant occurrence did much
to mar the harmony of the Englishmen's early
days at Canton there was compensation for
them in the progress which they made with
their business. Following upon the grant
of a right to trade they, on October 9th,
laid the foundations of an English factory
at Canton by occupying a house which
they had rented from a merchant at the
modest price of fifty taels for the mon-
soon season. Their early days in this new
home are described in interesting detail in
the journal which they faithfully forwarded
home for the edification of their employers
in accordance with the almost unvarying
practice followed by the agents of the Com-
pany's ships. Soon after the factors had
settled, the two Hoppos invited themselves
to dinner. They were advised by their mer-
chant— Hun-Shun-Quin — "to bespeak some
tables of victuals from the cook shop, for the
two Hoppos and their ol'licers, and that we
should allow their servants, soldiers and
chairmen, about seventy in number, 5 ban-
dareeus each for their dinner." The chief
factor accordingly ordered eight tables, one
for each Hoppo, one for himself and assis-
tants, and five for the Hoppos' officers.
" The chiefe Hoppo's table was placed at ye
upper end of ye roome, upon ye left hand
side and ye second Hoppo's on ye right hand
side (ye other being ye highest place accord-
ing to ye Chinese and Tartar fashion) our
table was placed in ye same roome, fronting
ye Hoppos', with our faces towards them :
ye table for ye Secretarys was in ye next
(roome) adjoyning to yt where we satt ; and
ye tables for ye other officers where below.
Every table was served with 5 or 6 dishes,
dressed in whole joynts Tartar fashion (ac-
cording to ye Europe manner) but brought
in only one dish at a time ; and afterwards
scverall services of China victualls, brought
in after ye same maimer, but not removed
untill ye whole number was compleat, wch
was 16 in all, sett in a peculiar forme and
manner and brought in att a considerable
distance of time, drinkeing tea, wine or
cordiall waters, between each service accord-
ing to ye custome." The dinner being over
the Hoppos retired until the tables were
" clean'd downe, for they use no table cloths."
The dessert, consisting of sixteen sorts of
fruits, sweetmeats, and pickles, being placed
on the tables the Hoppos returned. The
chief Hoppo " being an old man drank
sparingly but the second Hoppo took his
cups freely and urged us to do tlie same."
Afterwards an official inspection was made
of the goods. " The chief Hoppo fancied a
pair of brass blunderbusses and the second
a pair of pistols which they desired to pur-
chase ; this the linguist told me was only a
genteel way of begging and advised me to
give them as a present which I did and
they after some pretended difficulty in taking
them accepted."
Some little time after this entertainment
the Chief Hoppo invited the English factors
to breakfast. The account given of the
function by Mr. Douglas, the chief factor,
furnishes amusing reading : " Being arrived,"
tions to the Court, thus concludes: "Ye
many troubles and vexations wee have mett
with from these subtile Chineese — whose
principalis allow them to cheat and ye dayly
practise therein have made them dextrus at
it — I am not able to express at this time ;
and however easie others may have repre-
sented ye trade of China, nether I nor my
assistants have found it so, for every day
produces new troubles, but I hope that a
little time will put an end to them all." Sub-
sequently Mr. Douglas ascribed the delays
and difficulties experienced in realising the
sales and investments actually agreed upon to
the great fall in the price of Europe goods
and the rise in that of Nanking silk after
a contract for sale had been made. Owing
to the many delays it was not until July 18,
1700, that the Macclesfield galley was able to
leave Canton. The vessel, after touching at
various ports to coinplete her cargo, arrived
off Portsmouth in the July following with "a
rich and full cargo."
Before the Macclesfield galley had left
Canton the Coiut at home had decided upon
A MANDARIN PAYING A VISIT OF CEREMONY.
(Krora Allom & Wiight's "Cliina.")
he wrote, " we were obliged to wait the
coming of the French, Captain Goosline and
Mr. t'leetwood, the Hoppo having provided
a breakfast for us and intending to admit us
altogether. In the meantime suspecting that
the French miglit attempt to take precedence
I by the linguist informed the Hoppo of my
fears, who immediately sent word that he
would take care about that and appoint us
our places. The expected party being arrived
we were ushered into the inner apartment
where the Hoppo met us at the door and
received us in the most courteous manner.
After the usual compliments he ordered three
tables to be prepared, one for himself, one
for the French, and one for the English ;
which being done he desired us to be seated,
when the French second (the Chief being
absent from indisposition) either by design
or accident took the place intended for me
(Douglas) which the Hoppo observing called
me to his own table and seated me on his
left hand, treating me with great respect."
The trading transactions of the factors
were marked by interminable disputes and
delays. Mr. Douglas, writing of his opcra-
the formation of a permanent Council to over-
look the Company's affairs in the Far East.
The Commission, which was dated November
23, 1699, was to Allen Catchpoole, president,
Solomon Lloyd, Henry Rowse, John Kidges
and Robert Master. In order to give greater
prestige to the chief of the CounciJ the
Court obtained from the King a commission
appointing him and his successors in the
presidential office " King's Minister or Consul
for the English Nation." With this appoint-
ment may be said to begin the caiecr of the
British Consular Service in the Far East,
and in a measure the commencement of the
diplomatic connection of Great Britain with
China. The Council's instructions were to
attempt to form a settlement at Limpo or
at some convenient port near Nanking or at
Nanking itself. " We have been greatly
encouraged to this Northern Settlement from
the hopes we entertained of opening a way
into the Japan trade," wrote the Court in
explanation of this selection of localities
for a factory. As to the person ticl of the
establishment thus constituted, the members
of the Council were given the rank of
30
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HON(JKONa, SHANGHAI, ETC.
mcfchants. It was directed that all the
(actors' affairs of tMiying and selling should
be managed in Council, for which purpose
consultations should be held once a week or
oftener and the proceedings regularly entered
by a Secretary.
The Cimncil was empowered to dismiss
any servant who defrauded the Company or
betrayed their interests, or who " should
cmnmil any heinous crime as murder, theft,
blasphemy or the like, — or should rent any
farms or duties of the Emperor of China or
his Ministers whereby they might be subjected
to their arbitrary powers and the Company's
estate under their management ha/arded, — or
if anv Company's servant marry any Maho-
metan, Gentoo or Pagan."
To encourage their servants the Court
allowed them to send home yearly what gold
they pleased in order that their friends might
return the prixxx-ds to them in silver. All
salaries in China were, it was stipulated, to
be paid at the rate of 5s. the " piece of eight "
or dollar. The jurisdiction of the presidency
was to extend over the whole Empire of China
and the adj.iceiit islands.
The new Council sailed from England in
the Eaton frigate at the close of 1699, and
arrived at Banjarmassin on July 16, 1700.
There news was received tliat the Com-
pany's ship, Trumbiill galley, had left in
company with two junks on the 15th of
June previously for Chusan, where it was
intended to form a settlement. In conse-
quence of this information the Ealoii directed
her course also to Chusan, and arrived off
that island on the nth of October. President
CatcIip<K)le met with a friendly reception
from the Governors, but he could not obtain
permission to form a settlement. When he
pressed the matter he was referred to
Peking. To approach the Emperor an em-
bassy would have been necessary, and as
this Would have cost at the least ;^io,ooo, the
recommendation to memorialise the throne
was not unnaturally disreg.irded. President
Catchpoole continued at Chusan in the hope
that some change might be effected in the
situation by persistent applications backed by
gratuities to the hungry officialdom of the
Government In this expectation he was
disappointed, and month after month slipped
by without the Council advancing an inch in
the direction in which it wished to go.
Meanwhile, trouble arose through the rivalry
concerned. At the beginning of 1701-2
matters reached a crisis. Through the
machinations of Mr. Cough, the agent of
the London Company, an edict w.is issued by
the Chinese authorities expelling Catchpoole
and his establishment from the island. The
terms of the order were so emphatically
expressed that Catchpoole had no allernative
but to obey, and on the 2iid of February he
and his colleagues left in the Eaton for
A NATIVE OF PULO CONDORE.
(From a drawiiij* in the Manuscript l^ooni of tht
llritisli Museum.)
Batavia. In writing home at this period,
Catchpoole and his colleagues reverted to
their troubles and disappointments since
their arrival in China. They stated that
they had been " scarce a day free from
insults, impositions, or hardships from the
mandarins or merchants in respect of trade
or government ; " but, they went on to say,
"nothing thereof have affected us with that
concern as the treachery and undermining
PULO CONDORE.
(From a drawing in the British Museum.)
o( the I^ondon East India Company which
at this time was actively competing for the
China trade, notwithstanding that negotia-
tions were going forward and, indeed, were
advancing towards a satisfaciory issue, for
the amalgamation of the two Companies.
There were constant disputes and bickerings
between the two establishments, to their
mutual disadvantage as far as trade was
practices of our own countrymen and bosom
friends ; who whilst sitting in Council with us
have been privately working the ruin of our
footing with the mandarins and merchants
of the place by abetting and encouraging
them to force us away in the Eaton."
After an absence of about twelve months
the Council returned to Chusan, the way for
them having been made smooth by the usual
material agencies. But it was only lo renew
the old struggle for ascendency with obsliiiate
and unreasonable colleagues. On this occasion
it was the captains of the Company's ships
who caused the trouble. These individuals
comported themselves in iiidcpeiulent fashion,
showing a contempt for authority vvhicli
was resented by President Catchpoole and his
Council. Tiieir worst offence seems to have
been to make themselves at home at the
factory, utilising rooms which were required
by the establishment. Catchpoole, in reporting
their delinquencies at home, remarked a fro/'os
of an unwelcome visit from the captains :
"The writers and factors lay up and down
on tables. As we now are four writers lie
in a room ; and yet the Factory rent stands
the Company in 100 taels a month. We had
trouble to get Captain Palmer out of Mr. Hal's
apartment : he left in such a rage that he
went on board and broke open Mr, Carleton
and Mr. Chitty's, the supercargoes' apartments,
and has made the great cabin less. Should
your honours think I act too little I must
plead for myself that we are in China, where
the Governors are so villainous that they
einbrace any opportunity to confound all, and
these captains, to gratify their little pride, fear
nothing."
In another conimunicalion, after fuither
dissensions, Catchpoole wrote saying that all
the captains were unruly, but there were
distinctions to be made between them.
" We look upon Captain Palmer's as a
giddy headed boyish distraction ; but Captain
Smith's rudeness grew to so great a height,
that in Council we unanimously ordered him
not to come into the factory ; yet some few
days after he did come, and falling into hot
and quarrelsome words, he challenged the
President out of the Factory ; who did
go out after him, and to avoid the porlerly
dispute of Boxing, threw a counting board at
him and broke his head ; and he having in
this encounter offered to strike the President,
the said Captain was again brought into the
Factory and with abundance of violence forced
on board the Liampo (one of the three ships
in port). Which although it raised a great
uproar in the town and amused the mandarins,
yet it convinced them that the English Com-
pany's President has soine power. "
President Catchpoole came eventually to the
conclusion that the position at Chusan was
not worth maintaining. Trade was irregular
and at the best not lucrative and the otiicial
interferences and exactions made existence
almost intolerable. He had long had his eye
on Pulo Condore, an island off the coast of
Cochin China, which he confidently believed
might with due enterprise be made to become
a valuable entrepot for the China trade.
Tliitlier he proceeded in 1703 and forthwith
commenced to establish a factory. Apparently
the King of Cochin China claimed sovereignty
over the island, and on hearing of the occu-
pation sent a letter of protest through a local
governor. President Catchpoole acknowledged
this in a strain of humility worthy of Uriah
Heap. Addressing the official as " great and
noble sir," he assured him that if they had
been wanting in respect it was due to their
ignorance of the customs of Cochin China.
But now that he had been pleased " to con-
descend so far as to style me your brother,
you shall on all occasions find me to behave
with the dutiftilness of a younger brother to
his elder." Referring to the presence of two
of the Company's servants in the King's
dominions, he said that he did not doubt his
countrymen would return to him " with the
welcome news of the conquering King of
Cochin China's leave for my settling here
with my people. But I shall find some
TWENTIETH CENTUEY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 31
inconveniencing if you are not so bountiful
to me as to order about 50 carpenters
and bricklayers hither to build me a house
and other conveniences ; for those already
built for the English who can't work in
these hot countries, do keep not out the rain.
And it will be but like an elder brother, to
condescend to order what pay each man shall
have." The King of Cochin China himself
replied to this letter in an extraordinary
effusion dated August 2, 1703. The King
stated tliat his complaint against them was
not that they showed no civility by the mak-
ing of presents, but because of their illegal
behaviour.
" Consider ye," he said, " and examine
seriously, and fear Heaven with all your heart
and all your strength and you will presently
become as if we were surrounded by a wall."
" You are pleased to say in your letter that
upon another occasion when a ship comes,
you (will) send richer presents. How can
such sort of things be precious to us ?
Would you know what it is we highly
esteem ? Upon goodness and piety we put
a great value ; friendship and love we reckon
of great moment : what regard can we have
to pearls and rich silks, if honesty and respect
be wanting ? But seeing you are very expert
in sea and military affairs we are confident
you will exert your teeth and hoofs against
our enemies ; and on this account you
will do a considerable piece of service
and worthy of you ; and so long as you stay
and trade in that island we freely forgive
you the Customs of the goods and the
tribute of the land although the old inhabi-
tants pay both ..."
" Get everything in good order, that you
may come to Court yearly, whereby it will
come to pass that we shall mutually, as in
the Winter Season, cherish one another, and
also increase our fidelity and friendship ;
which two blessings are so great that they
can never be exhausted."
" Now the wind is favourable, the sea calm
and the vessel desires to leave the port ; and
we have written this letter. Although the
rivers be as a belt, and although the hills be
as stone to rub ink upon ; although also the
sea be spacious and the Heavens high ; never-
theless, piety, concord, gratitude and the
remembrance of favours done, shall never
have an end."
The immortal Chadband himself — to select
another Dickensonian illustration — could not
have surpassed the unctuous fervour of this
communication. The amusing thing is that
the King was a notorious old reprobate who
worthily ruled over as thievish a lot as the
East India Company ever had dealings with.
From beginning to finish the attempts to
trade in Cochin China were failures mainly
for this reason. The Pulo Condore factory
was a particularly bad bargain. The place
was unsuited in every way for the purposes
for which it was designed, and the estab-
lishment, after the expenditure of a consider-
able amount of money upon the enterprise,
was withdrawn. With it disappears from
the scene the pompous figure of President
Catchpoole, " the King's Consul," and the
first official chief of the Company's establish-
ments in China.
The chief centre of interest once more
shifts to Canton. Relations of some kind
appear to have been maintained with that
city by the Company during the period of
President Catchpoole's sojourn in Cliusan and
Pulo Condore. In 1704 an unpleasant new
departure was made by the Chinese authorities
by the appointment of a functionary known
as the Emperor's Merchant, who was in-
vested with authority to monopolise the trade.
This " new monster," as he was termed by
the indignant English factors in their reports
to the Court, was a man " who formerly sold
salt at Canton and was whip't out of the
province for being caught defrauding tlie
Emperour of his dutys on that commodity,
but not being whip't out of all his money,
he had found means to be introduced to the
Emperour's son and successor who for a
sum of money reported to be 42,000 Taels
had given him a patent to trade with all
fcluropeans in Canton exclusive of all other
merchants." The discontent aroused by this
new and formidable obstacle to trade took
shape in a strong representation to the Quang-
choo-foo, as to the disastrous results which
would ensue if the system were continued.
This official set an inquiry on foot and found
that the Emperor's Merchant had literally
no goods, and that the other traders were
debarred from selling goods in consequence
of his patent. In the end an agreement was
come to by which the Emperor's Merchant
allowed others to participate in the trade in
consideration of a payment to him of a duty
of 5,000 taels per ship. Besides having to
bear this heavy imposition trade about this
period was penalised by an import duty
amounting to 4 per cent, of the value of
the goods. In 1704 the charge is spoken of
as " an imposition lately crept upon us by
the submission of our predecessors the two
preceding seasons." The character of the
duty is thus explained : " One per cent, of
the four is what has been usually given by
the Chinese merchants to the linguist upon
all contracts, and the linguist was used to
gratify the Hoppo out of the sum for his
employment. The other three were first
squeezed from the China merchant as a
gratuity for upholding some particular men
in monopolising all the business, and this
used to be given in a lump, so that by under-
valuing the goods and concealing some part
they used to secure half the charge ; but to
show how soon an ill precedent will be
improved in China to our disadvantage, the
succeeding Hoppos, instead of the persuasive
arguments such as their predecessors used,
are come to demand it as an established
duty."
CHAPTER IV.
Regular Trade at Canton — Accession of the Emperor Kienlung — Liberal Trade Policy — Commodore Anson and
the Mandarins — Trade Confined to Canton — Arrest of Mr. Flint, a Supercargo — Special Mission despatched to
Canton by the East India Company — Regrettable Incidents — A British Sailor delivered up to the Chinese and
executed by them.
Before the eighteenth century had far
advanced the trade with Canton had as-
sumed to a large extent a regular character.
The Company's instructions provided that the
supercargoes in China should keep but one
table, and should meet at least twice a week
for consultalion upon the Company's affairs.
As to the ships, the general practice was for
them to await off Macao until the super-
cargoes had ascertained whether the condi-
tions at Canton were favourable to their
approach to that city. If a satisfactory re-
port was made the vessels were taken to
Bocca Tigris where the Hoppo's officers
boarded them. Through the linguist an inti-
mation was conveyed to these personages
that the supercargoes wished to wait upon
the Hoppo. Subsequently an interview took
place with this high official, and after the
exchange of compliments, a demand was
made for free trade under stipulated condi-
tions. The main conditions were that the
trade should be with all people without re-
striction ; that the Company's servants might
entertain in their service what Chinese ser-
vants they pleased, and discharge them at
their pleasure ; that if their English servants
committed any fault deserving punishment
they should be dealt with by the super-
cargoes ; that they should be at liberty to
buy all sorts of provisions for the factory
and the ship at their will ; that they should
pay no custom or other duties for any goods
they should bring on shore and not dispose
of ; that they should have liberty to set up
a tent ashore, to mend and fit their casks,
sails, and rigging ; that their boats should
have liberty to pass the several custom
houses or boats as often as should be
thought fit without being called to or ex-
amined on any pretence whalsoever where
the British colours were hoisted, and that at
no time should their seamen's pockets be
searched ; that the Hoppo should protect
them " from all insults and impositions of
the common people and Mandarins who
were annually laying new duties and exac-
tions which they were forbidden to allow
of." Finally, it was demanded "that the
four per cent, be taken off and that every
claim or dem.ind the Hoppo had should be
demanded and determined the same time
with the measurement of the ship." It was
usual for the Hoppo to signify his assent to
all the demands, with the exception of the
last, which he could not agree to. The
supercargoes were accustomed to press the
point, and on finding that there was no
prospect of concession would discreetly " let
that argument drop."
In 1720 a new source of embarrassment to
the trade arose in the formation of a com-
bination of native merchants to secure the
S2 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
fixing of prices at levels which they approved.
A movcaient o( the kind was set on foot
as \vc have seen iin>re than twenty years
earlier, but this was by no means so formid-
able a manifestation of the genius of the
Chinaman for exclusive dealing as that with
which the factors were now faced. Finding
how matters stood the supercargoes adopted
a bold line. They declined to wait on the
Mandarin at Whampoa or to commence the
trade until the Co-hong, as the combination
w.is called, was abolished, and they were
at liberty as heretofore to trade without
restraint. The Isontock, hearing of the dis-
pute, summoned the princip;»l native mer-
chants before him and told them that if they
did not dissolve the Co-hong he would find
means to compel them to do so. This plain
speaking had its effect, and trade dropped
into its old channels. But within a year a
further source of anxiety arose in one of
those episodes with which the history of
British trade in China teems. One of the
Hoppo's officers was accidentally killed at
Whampoa while engaged in the discharge
of his duties amongst the shipping. Though
no blame attached to any one the local oHicials
festation. Before many months had elapsed
the old tactics were revived and practised
with irrit.iting persistency. In 1728, following
upon a series of disagreeable incidents, came
the levy of an additional duty of 10 per cent.
on all goods sold by the merchants. The
burden imposed by this charge was so serious
that the European trading community decided
upon the somewhat bold course of making a
a personal protest to the Isontock. Assem-
bling at the factories they proceeded in a
body to the Isontock's residence. They were
admitted after some delay to the Mandarin's
presence, and delivered their address to him
through one of his officers. After cursorily
perusing the document the great man told
them, not too affably, that they should deal
with responsible merchants and pay their
customs. With this advice, with which they
could very well have dispensed, they were
dismissed. Alter the interview there was
some relief from the more obno.\ious of the
regulations, but the 10 per cent, duty was
maintained in spite of repeated protests and
representations to the Court of Peking.
A new and important era in the history
of European trade in China was reached in
A VIEW OF THE CANTON FACTORIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY,
(l-'roni u print engraved in 17K4J from a picture paiiUcdiii Cliina.)
seized two mates and four of the inferior
officers of the CadoUnn, one of the Company's
ships, who were quietly walking in the street
near the factory at Canton. An indignant
protest was made to the Hoppo against this
despotic action, and a plain inlimation was
given that unless redress was immediately
afforded the Company would be recom-
mended to transfer their commercial dealings
from Canton to some other port. As usual
when firmly treated the authorities were
quite reasonable. The Mandarin who com-
mitted the affront was degraded from his
office and a promise was given that he should
be bamtxxicd and rendered incapable of
being again admitted into the Emperor's
iicrvice. It may be doubted whether the
punishment was ever inflicted, or if inflicted,
whether the right person suffered, but the
fact that the Hoppo thought it worth while
to give even formal expression to his dis-
pleasure shows that the Chinese officials at
this time had learned to value the privileges
which trade bi ought in its train Uto highly for
them to part with them readily. The sweet
reasonablieness shown by the Mandarins in
this affair was, however, but a passing mani-
1736 on the occasion of the accession to the
throne of the Emperor Kicnlung. Of all
the modern rulers of China Kienluiig de-
serves to be regarded as by far the greatest.
He entered upon his long and eventful reign
of more than sixty years animated by the
highest principles. While perfonning the
customary rites on the day of his installation,
the youthful monarch made a vow that
" should he like his illustrious grandfather,
Kang-hy, be permitted to complete the six-
tieth year of his reign, he would show his
gratitude to heaven by resigning the crown
to his heir, as an acknowledgment that he
had been f.avoured to the full extent of his
wishes." Kienlung lived to redeem this
pledge, and by so doing gave a remarkable
example of royal sincerity. The first public
act of the Emperor was to recall from exile
all the members of the Koyal family who h:id
been banished by his predecessor in conse-
quence of their attachment to the Christian
religion. Associated with this tolerant mea-
sure was the issue of an edict relative to
foreign trade, the general tendency of which
was liberal. The rescript abolished the 10
per cent duty and made other notable con-
cessions. On the other hand there was a
provision in the imperial decree that all
vessels on arriving at Whampoa should land
their armament and leave it in the custody
of the imperial officials. In due course the
edict was prnmulgated, and the opportunity
was availed of by the British traders to
make the Isontock handsome presents, in
the expectation, afterwards realised, that the
order in reference to the delivery of guns,
&c., might be dispensed with. Matters pro-
ceeded smoothly after this until 1741, when
the arrival of Commodore Anson, in His
Majesty's ship Centurion, the first King's
ship to visit the Canton River, caused some
excitement and led to a fresh crop of difli-
culties. Under the Chinese law the admission
of warships to the river was forbidden, and
obstacles were interposed to the Cenlnrion's
passage. Finding how matters stood. Com-
modore Anson hired a boat with the intention
of proceeding to Canton to interview the
authorities. As he was embarking the Hoppo
declined to grant him a permit, and forbade
the boatmen to proceed. Not to be thwarted
in this fashion, Anson told the Hoppo that
if by the next day a permit was not forth-
coming he would arm the Ccntiirioti's boats
and force a passage. This had the desired
effect of breaking down the opposition to the
famous officer's visit to Canton. Elated at
his victory, Anson would have insisted upon
an interview with the Viceroy at Canton, but
he was dissuaded from pressing for this by
the British traders, who feared that high-
handed action would react unfavourably on
commercial relations. After refitting and
provisioning his ship, Anson put to sea with
the view of intercepting the valuable Spanish
ship bound annually from Acapuico and
Manila to Lisbon. He succeeded in his
venture and took his prize into the Canton
River with the, to him, surprising result that
the Chinese authorities promptly demanded
the customary duties for both vessels. Anson
emphatically declined to accede to this de-
mand, and with a view to contesting the
matter with the high Chinese authorities,
repaired with his boat's crew in full dress
to Canton. Actuated by a desire to ensure
the safety of the shipment of stores for his
vessels, he refrained from seeking an inter-
view with the Viceroy for some days. At
length, wearied with the procrastinating
policy pursued towards him, he sent a letter
by one of his ofiicers demanding to see the
Viceroy. This application would probably
have met with but scant courtesy but for a
happy incident which won the good will of
the authorities. Two days after the letter
was despatched a serious fire broke out in
Canton. It would have ravaged a consider-
able quarter of the city but for the prompt
and efficient aid rendered by the Cciiliiiioit's
men, who, by arduous work, were able to
confine the outbreak within comparatively
narrow limits. In gratitude for this signal
service the Viceroy appointed a day for an
interview. Anson attended at the time fixed,
and, with a sailor's frankness, detailed to the
Viceroy the various grievances under which
the British traders laboured. He concluded
with the expression of a hope that orders
would be given which would prevent the
recurrence of the events complained of. No
immediate reply was given to this bold
harangue. After a time the interpreter inti-
mated to Anson that he did not believe that
any reply would be given. The audience
closed with the expression by the Viceroy of
a hope that Anson would have a prosperous
voyage.
The deliberate reticence of the Viceroy on
this occasion was doubtless only a courteous
TWJ]NTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANCmAI, ETC. 33
way of intimatinjf that the policy pursued
hitherto would not be altered, notwithstand-
ing all that had been urjjed ajjainst it. This,
in fact, was the attitude assumed later and
persisted in in the face of the most strenu-
ous representations from the British trading
community. One feature of the administra-
tion, which at this period was productive
of bitter resentment, was the practice of
naming security merchants for each ship.
Under the system a particular merchant was
held responsible to the Government for the
payment of all duties and customs on goods
imported in the ship, whether purchased by
the security merchant himself or any one
ebe. In like manner he was made account-
able for the duties on export cargoes, while
he was subjected to heavy financial charges
of an irregular character on the strength of
his position. The natural effect of the
system was to prejudice the Company's busi-
ness transactions in various ways, but more
particularly in enhancing the cost of com-
modities which its agents purchased. In
1754 the Isontock was approached with a
view to the abolition of the practice. These
merchants were received courteously, but the
Isontock declined to give them a written
reply. Afterwards he appointed two security
merchants to each ship, in the illusory hope,
apparently, that the increase in the number
ol the sureties would meet the objections of
the merchants.
Marked by some vicissitudes, but on the
whole showing a satisfactory measure of
progress, the trade contiimed until 1757. In
that year a striking change in its conditions
was made by the issue of an imperial edict
coniining the foreign trade of the Empire to
Canton. Up to this point, as the narrative
has shown, Amoy and Limpo in Chusan
had both been the resort of British ships,
and thougli Canton had with the advance of
the century become more and more the real
centre of the China trade, thoughts were
from time to time longingly directed by the
Court of Directors towards other ports. At
the very time that the edict was being
promulgated a vessel despatched by the Com-
pany was on its way to Cliina charged with a
mission to open up a more regular trade with
Chusan. Mr. P'lint, who went as supercargo,
was instructed to reside if possible for some
time at Nanking, and while there to direct
attention to the silk trade to which the Com-
pany attached great importance. Mr. Flint,
on arriving at Limpo, found it impossible to
get even common necessaries, much less to
carry on a trade. This attempt to open a
trade after the issue of the edict was keenly
resented by the Chinese authorities, who
saw in it a deliberate defiance of the
imperial orders. On Mr. Flint proceeding to
Canton in December, 1759, to report himself,
he was summoned to the presence of the
Isontock. The supercargoes deemed it expe-
dient that they should accompany him, and
accordingly the entire party proceeded to
the Isontock's palace. The officials there
would have confined admission to Mr. Flint,
but the supercargoes determined not to be
excluded. They were received by a Mandarin
and proceeded through two courts with the
apparent acquiescence of the officials. On
arrival at the gate of the inner court of the
palace, their swords were taken from them
and they were hurried into the Isontock's
presence. There an attempt was made to
compel them to pay homage after the Chinese
fashion, and on their resisting they were
thrown down. The Isontock perceiving that
the supercargoes were resolute in their
determination not to humiliate themselves,
ordered the attendants to desist. Afterwards
he directed Mr. Flint to advance towards
him, and this gentleman having separated
himself from his colleagues he was told
that an order had been received from the
Emperor for his banishment to Macao for
three years, and for his ultimate exclusion
from China, for going to Limpo after His
Imperial Majesty had positively ordered that
no ship should trade there. It was further
intimated that a man, who had writlen a
petition which Mr. Flint had caused to be
publicly displayed at Tientsin with the object
of attracting the notice of the Emperor,
upon them as they were fully persuaded he
was well disposed to favour them." The
sanguine belief here expressed in the ulti-
mate repudiation of the Isontock's despotic
behaviour was not justified by events. Mr.
Flint was kept in close confinement at a
place near Macao for nearly three years.
Such was the rigour of his treatment that
even letters were not allowed to reach him.
With a view to ameliorating the situation
the Court, in 1760, determined to send out a
special mission to Canton. To represent them
they appointed Captain Skottowe of the
THE GREAT EMPEROR (KIENLUNG).
(From Sir Georj^c St;iunton"s '■ Lord Mac;u-tnL'y's Embnss)-.")
was to be publicly beheaded that day for
treacherously encouraging such a step. The
indignation which this extraordinary episode
excited found vent at a united meeting of
European traders at the British factory three
days later. All present agreed to send home
lo their respective companies a report of the
unwarrantable action of the Isontock, and
they doubted not that a method would be
found and measures taken to make the
facts known to the Emperor, " who they
were convinced would avenge the affront put
Company's ship Royal George, and they
entrusted him with a letter from themselves
to the Isontock. Elaborate instructions were
given to the envoy as to his behaviour in
the Far East. He was not to be seen in
the shops, &c., purchasing chinaware ; if he
wanted any goods he was to send for the
merchants, and not go for them himself ;
he was never to appear in undress in the
streets, or at home when he received visits ;
above all he was to be called Mr. Skottowe,
not Cdfhiiii, and it was to be given out that
34 TWENTIETH CENTrRY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
he was llie bri>«lier of His Majesty's I'nder
Secretary of State who had the honour to
write the King's letters. The Court might
have spared themselves this (letty deceit.
Captain Skottowe's mission was a complete
failure, no« a single point of the list of de-
mands he presented being conceded. There-
after, for some years, events pursued their
accustomed course. The only development
of interest was the revival of the Co-hong, in
1760, with consequences very detrimental to
the Company's trade. The supercargoes were
instructed to pay constant attention to this
conspiracy and to other restrictions on trade,
but at the same lime they were told " that
in all their proceedings pacilic and ct>ncilia-
tory measures only were to be observed, and
Uie utmost care taken not to give any just
reason for umbrage to the Chinese govern-
ment." In I7ft4 the visit of the British
warship Ari<o to the Canton River led to
trouble of a new kind. The Chinese authori-
ties, on the appe.irance of the ship, insisted
on measuiing her with a view to the payment
a refusal. After due deliberation the captain
assented, and the ship was measured, to the
great relief of the traders, whose affairs had
been at almost a complete standstill during
the four months that the dispute con-
tiimed. In connection with the Ari^o's visit
to Canton we find, in a minute of the Court
of the Directors of the period, one of the
first references to that tral'tic in opium which
was destined, a good many years later, to
exercise a powerful influence on the course
of events in China. The Court, adverting to
the stoppage of trade caused by the incident
just narrated, state that they had heard that,
besides other goods, opium had been shipped
in the Arf^o in the way of private trade, and
they requested that a full account might
be sent home of the matter, as opium was
prohibited and the importation might be
most detrimental to the Company's interests.
The fact that the Company's ships were
the only vessels exempted from search on
account of opium no doubt lent point to this
instruction.
AN OLD VIEW OF NANKING.
(From a print at tlic liiilish Muscuin.)
o( the ordinary dues. The captain resented
this on the ground that the officials had no
power over a king's ship. In consequence
of the attitude he assumed the merchants
refused to be responsible for the Company's
ships, and trade was stopped. To alleviate
the situation the supercargoes offered to pay
dues for the Argo at the same rate as that
charged for the largest Company's ship ; but
this was declined. The Hoppo slated that he
intended to proceed to Whampoa to measure
the ship, and that if his request was refused
she would have to leave. The Isontock took
an even higher line. He wanted to know
what the supercargoes meant by offering to
pay the mea-sureagc in lieu of the ship being
measured ? Such procedure, he intimated,
was contrary to all custom, and he concluded
by sa}-ing ll>at if the ship was not measured-
the supercargoes would have to leave the
country, and the merchants would be bam-
booed and banished Canton. In view of the
official attitude the supercargoes strongly
urged the captain of the Argo to submit in
order to avert the injurious results which
would, in their opinion, certainly How from
By this time the Biilish trade in China
had dropped into a regular groove, and it
was yearly growing in importance. In order
that their interests might be better safe-
guarded the Court, in 1770, ordered that
their surpercargoes, instead of going back-
wards and forwards with the ships, should
reside permanently in China. An almost
immediate outcome of this change in system
was the dissolution of the Co-hong, which
the supercargoes were able to effect through
an intermediary, though only at the cost of
100,000 taels. The removal of this barrier
to trade had a beneficial effect, but in general
the position of the British traders did not
improve with the lapse of years and the
growth of their mercantile relations. Re-
grettable incidents were still of frequent
occurrence. They were not always due to
faults on the Chinese side, but in their
adjustment the Chinese ofiicialdom invariably
put themselves in the wrong by tlieir arrogant
and unfair attitude. One of the most im-
portant of these imbroglios occurred in 1784
through the accidental killing of two Chinese
by the firing of a saluting gun from the
British ship Lady Hii!;lics. On the occurrence
becoming known the authorities, accompanied
by the native merchants, waited on the
President of the British factory to demand
that the man who had fired the gun should
be given up in accordance with the laws of
the Empire. The reply given was that it
could not be ascertained who the man was,
that in all probability the gunner had
absconded, and that they (the supercargoes)
had no power over private ships, to which
category this vessel belonged. However, the
supercargo of the l.aiiy Hiifihcs agreed, at
the instance of the Select Connnittee — as the
Company's governing body at Canton was
styled — to go to Canton in order to explain
the circumstances. This individual subse-
quently accompanied the Chinese officials to
their destination, and after an examination
for form's sake, he was decoyed away and
conveyed by an armed guard into the city.
The seriousness of the turn that events
had taken was recognised by the European
communities of all nationalities. With one
accord they agreed to stand by the British
in their demand for the release of the
supercargo. In order to give emphasis to
the protest armed boats of the several ships
at anchor at Whampoa were called up to
Canton.
Notwithstanding this display of force, the
Chinese resolutely declined to hand over the
supercargo until the gunner or some sub-
stitute had been provided. The Select Com-
mittee ultimately weakly conceded the point
by delivering over to the custody of the
Chinese the man who fired the gun on the
fatal occasion. When he was surrendered
the Mandarins desired the Europeans present
"not to be uneasy as to his fate." This
was thought at the time to be reassuring.
But the Select Committee were reckoning
without the ingrained devotion of the Cliinese
to the spirit of their law of homicide, under
which the causing of death in all circum-
stances, even the most innocent, is a serious
crime. On January 8, 1785, in consequence
of an order received from the Emperor,
the unfortunate man was put to death by
strangling. Afterwards representatives of the
various European factories were summoned to
attend the Mandarins, and were informed by
them that the Emperor was greatly displeased
at their having so long delayed giving the
man up. The official spokesman commented
on the extreme moderation of the Govern-
ment in demanding the life of only one
foreigner while the lives of two Chinese
subjects had been lost by the accident.
He added that the Government expected a
readier compliance with their demands on any
future occasion of a similar character. It
does not appear that any further protest
was made by the British representatives
against the arbitrary action of the authori-
ties. Probably it was recognised that such
would have been useless. Whether that is
the true explanation or not the episode
cannot be said to reflect credit on the
British representatives of the period. They
seem to have blustered at the outset and
then to have handed this wretched man
over without the smallest guarantee as to
his treatment. They might have known
from earlier experiences of the same type
that the surrender in the circumstances was
tantamount to acquiescence in a sentence of
death. Reviewing the whole circumstances of
the deplorable incident later the Court made
some sensible remarks on the general attitude
of the Chinese. " Experience had slunvn,"
they wrote, " that the Court of Pekin would use
its power to carry into execution whatever it
declares to be the law. Individual Chinese
VIEWS IN AND ABOUT CANTON.
I. Tkmple ok Buddha.
3. Bridgk near Canton.
Pagoda and Village on the Caxal near Canton.
On the Canal between Macao and Canton.
36 TWENTIETH CEXTUKY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
may be, and often arc, afraid of Europeans,
but ttie Gt>vei nineiit was not so. Dcsiwtic
in itself, iijnorant of the power of foreij;n
nations, very su|vrrior to tlie divided and small
Slates tliat surround it, the Chinese esteem
Ihemselves not only the lirst nation in
the world but the most powerful. Such
circumstances and such notions had naturally
produced a high and imperious spirit in
the {•overnment, but no fear." The Court
directed that in the event of a casualty
like the last unfortunate accident happening
to any of the English, the supercargoes
should use every means in their power to
slop the business in the first stage by apply-
ing to some Chinese mercliant of ability
to get such a representation made to the
Viceroy as might secure the life of the
person. Only in the event of a murder
were they to deliver the perpetrator up to
the Chinese.
CHAPTER V.
Lord Macartney's Mission to China — Friendly Reception by the Emperor — Stately Court Ceremonies — Unsatisfactory
Negotiations — Return of the Mission — The Emperor's Letter to King George — Affairs at Canton.
The cumubtive efl'ect of vexatious inter-
ferences, the arbitrary displays of authority,
the unfair exactions, and the ever present
manifestations of jealous exchisivencss which
went to make up the Imperial Chinese
policy, was to produce in England a feeling
that an organised effort should be made lo
place matters on a better footing. In the
THE EAKL OF MACARTNEY.
(From an cDgravinK by liartolozzi in the Print Kooni, Brilisli MuMum.)
view of influential authorities, the China trade
was too important to be subjected, as it
often was, to the caprice of local ofiicials.
It had developed in remarkable fashion and
would develop to a still larger extent if the
heavy restraints put upon it were removed,
or even materially modified. Furthermore,
there was the consideration that while other
nations, through missionaries or scientists,
had long been able to maintain direct inter-
course with the Emperor, Great Britain,
though possessing by far the greatest stake
in the country, had never been represented
at the Imperial Court. It was suspected that
the loss from this absence of contact was a
good deal more than the negative one of
lack of influence. On the one hand foreign
intrigues were promoted, there was reason
to believe, by the spirit of aloofness which
was maintained by the Court, while, on the
other, abuses were created as the direct
result of giving local ofiicials practically
unlimited powers, and denying all right of
appeal to the supreme head of the Govern-
ment. In all tlie circumstances it was held
that the time was ripe for the despatch of
a special missioti to China to invoke the
imperial protection for British subjects and
to attempt to widen the opportunities for
trade between the two countries. The idea
took definite shape at the beginning of 1792,
when the Court of Directors were informed
by the Govermnent that tliey contemplated
sending an embassy to Peking for the pur-
pose of placing our intercourse with China
on a firmer and more extended footing.
Doubts were expressed by tlie chairman and
deputy chairman, who were first consulted,
as to the probability of any substantial advan-
tage accruing from the projected step. But
in view of confident expressions of opinion
in a contrary sense, emanating from other
quarters, and of the strong desire evinced to
make the experiment, they did not allow
their misgivings to go to the extent of opposi-
tion lo the proposal. The Court subsequently
took a very active part, in consultation with
Ministers, in perfecting the arrangements for
the mission.
The choice of the Govermnent for the
office of ambassador fell upon Lord Macartney,
a distinguished Ex-Governor of Madras, who
had specially qualified for diplomatic work
early in life by conducting a successful mission
to the court of Catherine ol Russia. He was
an accomplished man of the world, tactful,
dignified, and resourceful, and he had shown
in his dealings with Orientals in his Indian
appointment that siuvir fiiirc which of all
personal qualities is perhaps the most im-
portant in that connection, k better selection
indeed could scarcely have been made, and
TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPKESSIONS OF HONUKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 37
it was approved witli something like enthu-
siasm by the East India Company. The
mission sailed from Spithead on September
26, 1792. Macartney and his suite of ninety-
five persons embarked on board the Lion
man-of-war of sixty-four guns, and the East
India Company's sliip Hiiiitooslnii, one of
tlie finest of tlie Company's fleet, accom-
panied the warship, together with the brig
Jackall. After calling at Balavia and Tuion
iBay in Cochin China, the little squadron
arrived at Chusan. The Embassy was well
received here and at other ports at which
the vessels touched, and abundant supplies
were furnished by the authorities. On
August Sth Lord Macartney and his suite,
emiiarking in the smaller vessels of the
squadron, proceeded up the Peiho Kiver,
where a yacht was awaiting to convey them
to Tongsion, tlie landing place for Peking.
The Ambassador was most favoiUMbly im-
pressed, not only with the higher officials
who were assiduous in their attentions, but
with the common peojile who thronged the
shore at every point. " I was so much
struck with their appearance," he writes in
his diary, "that I could scarce refrain from
crying out with Shakespeare's Miranda in
the ' Tempest ' —
' Oh. wonder ! How many goodly creatures are
there here !
How beauteous mankind is ! Oh ! brave new
world,
That lias sucli people in it.' "
On August 6th the mission landed. They
were received with much ceremony and were
conducted to the Temple of the Sea God,
where they were formally welcomed by tlie
Viceroy of the province. After partaking of
tea the party proceeded to business.
" The Viceroy began by many compliments
and inquiries about our health, and talked
much of the Emperor's satisfaction at our
arrival, and of his wish to see us at Gehol,
■ssxr-x^i^f-afsax Sfc-
many persons, and that the presents for the
Emperor and our own baggage were so
numerous and took up so much room, that
we should require very spacious quarters
at Peking. That as we found it was the
to the Sovereign of the East by sending the
present Embassy, and hoped it would be
attended with all the good effects expected
from it. That as it was equally my duty
and inclination to promote these views to the
CHINESE BARGES OF THE EMBASSY PREPARINtJ TO PASS UNDER A BRIDGE.
(From Sir George Staunton's " Lord Macartney's Embassy.")
Emperor's wish for us to proceed to Gehol,
we should prepare ourselves accordingly, but
that we should find it necessary to leave a
great part of the presents at Peking, as many
CHINESE BARGES OF THE EMBASSY PASSING THROUGH A SLUICE
ON THE GRAND CANAL.
(From Sir George Staunton's " Lord Macartney's Embassy.")
in Tartary (wl;ere the Court always resides
at this season), as soon as possible. To
these we made (he proper return of compli-
ment, and then informed the Viceroy that
the train of the Embassy consisted of so
of them could not be transported by land
to such a distance without being greally
damaged if not totally destroyed. We ex-
plained to him the high compliment inteudtd
by the first Sovereign of the Western 'W^orld
utmost of my power, I requested the Viceroy
would be so kind as to give me such infor-
mation and advice as might enable me to
render myself and my business as accept-
able to the Emperor as possible."
The Viceroy, who was described by Lord
Macartney as "a line old man of seventy-
eight years of age . . . calm, venerable,
and dignified," listened with perfect politeness
to the Ambassador's representations and ex-
pressed in unaffected manner his complete
compliance with them. On August 7th the
mission commenced their journey to the
interior. The entire party were embarked
on thirty-seven yachts or junks, " each yacht
having a flag flying at her mast head to
distinguish her rank and ascertain her station
in the procession." The emblems also bore
in large Chinese characters these words, "The
English .Ambassador bringing tribute to the
Emperor of China." Besides the boats accom-
modating the mission were numerous craft
conveying Mandarins and officers who were
allotted to the service of the visitors. Indeed,
as Sir G. Staunton, the official historian of
the Embassy, records, " No slight magnificence
was displayed, and no expense seemed to
be spared." But the mission had not got
very far before it had a taste of the un-
pleasant side of Chinese officialdom. A
Tartar Mandarin in high office, styled the
Emperor's Legate — one Chin-ta-gin — who
had been told off to accompany the Embassy
to Gehol, raised difficulties in regard to the
disposition of the presents. In somewhat
brusque fashion he intimated that the Em-
peror would expect to have all the presents
carried to Gehol and delivered at the same
time. Macartney answered him " that the
Emperor was certainly omnipotent in China
and might dispose of everything in it as he
pleased, but that as the articles which I
meant to leave at Peking would certainly be
totally spoiled if managed according to his
notions, I requested he would take them
88 TWKXTIKTH CENTTTRY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
enlinly into hu own hands, for that / must
be ocuied fnwn presenting anything in an
imperfect or damaged state, as being un-
worthy of his Britannic Majesty to give and
o( bis Chinese Majesty to receive." This
view of the matter "startled" llie Legate
and together with the Viceroy's opinion
^S**^
custom. The reception by tlie Emperor took
place on September 14th. Macartney gives
an interesting description of it in his diary.
" We alighted at tlie park gates," he wrote,
" from whence we walked to the ini|Terial
encampment and were conducted to a large
handsome tent prepared for us on one side
APPROACH OF THE EMPEROR OF CHINA TO RECEIVE LORD MACARTNEY.
(Comer's •' History of Clliila .ind India.")
induced him to recede from the position he
had taken up. But Macartney " could not
help feeling great disquiet and apprehension
from this untoward disposition so early
manifested by the Legate." Later the Legate
and his brother ofticials essayed to give the
Amb.issador lessons in court etiquette and
more particularly in the ceremony known
as the kototr. This was done " with a degree
of art address and insinuation that Macartney
could not help admiring." They said, "they
supposed the ceremonies in both countries
must be nearly alike, that in China the form
was to kneel down on both knees and make
nine protestations or inclinations of the
bead to the ground, and that it never had
been and never could be dispensed with."
Macartney replied that the English form was
sofDewhat different and that though he was
most anxious to do everything that might
be agreeable to the Emperor his lirst duty
was to do what was agreeable to his own
king. This ended the discussion for the
period, but a few days afterwards the subject
was revived. The Mandarins pressed Macart-
ney most earnestly to comply with it, and
said it was a mere trifle. "They kneeled
down on the floors and practised it of their
own accord to show me the manner of it,
and begged me to try it whether I could
not perform it." Macartney remained obdu-
rate, but he subsequently relented to the
extent of agreeing to omform to their
etiquette provided a person of equal rank
Willi his were appointed to perforin the
same ceremony before his sovereign's picture
as he should perform before the Kmperor
himself.
After a short stiy at Peking en route, the
Ambatsador entered Gehol in great state on
September 8th. Here the old controversy
about the etiquette of the reception was
renewed. Finally, it was decided that the
English ceremony should be used, but that
Macartney should not kiss the Emperor's
hand, this being deemed repugnant to Chinese
of the Emperor's. After wailing there about
an hour his approach was announced with
drums and music on which we quitted our
tent and came forward upon the green
carpet. He was seated in an open palanquin,
prostrations. As soon as he had ascended
his throne I came to the entrance of the
tent, and holding in both my hands a gold
box enriched with diamonds in which was
enclosed the King's letter, 1 walked de-
liberately up and ascending the side steps
of the throne delivered it into the Emperor's
own hands, who having received it, passed
it to the minister by whom it was placed on
the cushion. He then gave me as the first
present to his Majesty the Ju-eu-jou or Giou-
giou, as the symbol of peace and prosperity
and expressed his hopes that my sovereign
and he should always live in good corre-
spondence and amity. . . . The Emperor
then presented nie with a Jeu-eu-jou of a
greenish coloured stone of the same emble-
matic cluuacter ; aS. the same time he very
graciously received from me a pair of beau-
tiful enamelled watches set with diamonds."
Other presentations were made and the
members of the Embassy then sat down to
a most sumptuous banquet. " The Emperor
sent us several dishes from his own table,
together with some liquors which the Chinese
call wine, not, however, expressed from the
grape, but distilled or extracted from rice,
lierbs, and honey. In about half-an-hour he
sent for Sir George Staunton and me to
come to him, and gave to each of us with
his own hands a cup of warm wine, which
we immediately drank in his presence, and
found it very pleasant and comfortable, the
morning being cold and raw. Anmngst other
things lie asked me the age of my king and
being informed of it, said he hoped lie might
live as many years as himself, which are
eighty-three. His manner is digiiilied, but
affable and condescending, and his reception
of us has been very gracious and satisfactory.
He is a very tiiie old gentleman, still healthy
and vigorous, not having the appearance
of a man of more than sixty. 'I'lie order
CHINESE MILITARY, DRAWN OUT IN COMPLIMENT TO THE
BRITISH AMBASSADOR.
(From Sir George Staunton's " L.ord Macirtney's Embassy.")
carried by sixteen bearers, attended by a
number of officers bearing flags, standards
and umbrellas, and as he passed we paid
liim our compliment by kneeling on one
knee whilst all the Chinese made their usual
and regularity in serving and removing the
dinner was wonderfully exact, and every
function of the ceremony performed with
such silence and solemnity as in some
measure to resemble the celebration of a
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPliE8SIONS OF HONGKONa, SHANGHAI, ETC.
39
religious mystery. . . . The comm.inding
feature of the ceremony was that cahn
dignity, that sober pomp of Asiatic greatness,
which European refinements have not yet
attained. . . . Thus have I seen ' King
Solomon in all his glory.' I use this expres-
sion as the scene recalled perfectly to my
memory a puppet show of that name which
I recollect to have seen in my childhood, and
which made so strong an impression on my
mind that I then thought it a true represen-
tation of the highest pitch of human great-
ness and felicity."
At a later period the visitors participated
in the solemn ceremonies incidental to the
celebration of the Emperor's birthday. The
Emperor did not show himself on the occa-
sion, but remained behind a screen where
he could see wliat was taking place without
inconvenience. At first there was slow music.
" On a sudden the sound ceased and all was
still ; again it was renewed and then inter-
mitted with short pauses during wliich several
persons passed backwards and forwards, in
the proscenium or foreground of the tent,
as if engaged in preparing some grand coup
dc thcairc. At length the great band struck
up with all their powers of harmony, and
instantly the whole Court fell flat upon their
faces before the invisible Nebuchadnezzar,
' He in his cloudy tabernacle sojourned the
while.' The music was a sort of birthday
ode or state anthem, the burden of which
was ' Bow down your heads, all ye dwellers
upon earth, bow down your heads before the
great Kien Lung, the great Kien Lung.' And
then all the dwellers upon China earth there
present, except ourselves, bowed down their
heads and prostrated themselves upon the
ground at every renewal of the chorus.
Indeed, in no religion, ancient or modern
has the Divinity ever been addressed I believe
with stronger external marks of worship and
adoration than were this morning paid to
the plianloni of his Chinese Majesty." On
September i8th the .Ambassador had another
opportunity of conversing with the Emperor.
The occasion was a theatrical performance
in the palace to which the members of the
mission were invited. At this meeting the
Emperor handed to Macartney a casket which
he said had been in his family for eight
centuries and which he desired should be
presented to the King as a token of his
friendship. This and other imperial cour-
tesies showed the old Emperor in a most
amiable light. Hut as far as the great objects
of the mission were concerned Macartney
was able to make no progress. His efforts
to open up negotiations were at first politely
ignored, and when he became importunate
it was plainly hinted to him that the Em-
peror regarded the mission at an end. After
this the courtesies which had been paid to
the Ambassador became less marked. There
seemed even a disposition to humiliate him,
as, for example, in compelling his attendance
at three o'clock on a cold morning to wait
for hours for an audience with the Emperor
who never put in an appearance. The results
of the mission were tersely summed up in
the following words by Aeneas Anderson,
who accompanied Lord Macartney in a subor-
dinate capacity and wrote an account of the
Embassy : " In short, we entered Peking like
paupers, we remained in it like prisoners,
and we quitted it like vagrants." The
mission bore home with it a letter from the
Emperor to the King which set fortli in
unequivocal terms the determination of the
Chinese Government to adhere to the exclu-
sive policy which it had hitherto maintaijied.
It stated that the proposals of the Ambas-
sador went to change the whole system of
European connnerce so long established at
Canton, and this could not be allowed. Nor
could his consent by any means be given for
resort to Limpo, Cluisan, Tientsin, or any
northern ports, or to the stationing of a
British resident at Peking. He mentioned
that the Russians now only traded to Kiatcha
and had not for many years come to Peking ;
and added that he could not consent " to any
other place of residence for Europeans near
Canton but Macao." In conclusion, after
remarking that the requests made by the
Ambassador militated against the laws and
usages of the Empire, and at the same time
were wholly useless to the end proposed, he
read his royal correspondent a sort of lecture
on the virtue of resignation to his supreme
will, " I again admonish you, O King ! " he
wrote, " to act conformably to my intentions
that we may preserve peace and amity on
each side and thereby contribute to our
reciprocal happiness. After this, my solemn
warning, should your Majesty, in pursuance
of your ambassador's demands fit out ships
a thing of the past. A shooting incident
which occurred in 1800 marked very con-
spicuously the change which had come over
the attitude of officialdom since Lord Macart-
ney's Embassy. On the night of the nth of
P'ebruary, the officer on watch on H.M.S.
Minims at VVhampoa, having hailed a boat
which had been at the ship's bows for some
time, and receiving no answer fired into her
under a conviction that an attempt was being
made to cut the vessel's cable. By the dis-
charge a Chinaman in the boat was wounded
and a second man in the course of a struggle
with one of the crew of the Madras either
jumped or fell overboard. The Chinese
authorities demanded that the oflicer who
fired the shot should be given up for exami-
nation, and that the man who caused the
man to fall overboard should be confronted
with his accuser. Finally it was demanded
that a basket of vegetables stated to have
been taken out of the boat should be res-
tored. The Captain of the Madras proceeded
to Canton and from thence, on the 22nd of
A SCENE IN AN HISTORICAL PLAY EXHIBITED ON THE CHINESE STAGE.
( From Sir George Staunton's " Lord Macartney's Embassy.")
in order to attempt to trade either at Ning
Po, Tehu San, Tien Sing, or other places, as
our laws are exceedingly severe, in such
case I shall be under the necessity of direct-
ing my mandarins to force your ships to quit
these ports, and thus the increased trouble
and exertions of your merchants would at
once be frustrated. You will not then, how-
ever, be able to complain that I had not
clearly forewarned you. Let us, therefore,
live in peace and friendship, and do not
make light of my words. For this reason
I have so repeatedly and earnestly written
to you upon this subject."
Regarded in its main aspect as an attempt
to open up the trade of China the Embassy
was beyond cavil a conspicuous failure. But
that it was not without some beneficial effect
is a fair assumption from the course of
events in the years following the reception
of the mission. The vexatious interferences
of Mandarins in the conduct of business
were abandoned, and the costly and incon-
venient practice of stopping the whole trade
on the smallest pretext also apparently became
February, addressed a letter to the Viceroy
respecting the thievish conduct of the Chinese,
and stated that he had no doubt they would
meet with proper punishment. He main-
tained that an attempted theft led to the
firing of the shot which wounded the man,
and he asserted in regard to the second man
that he jumped overboard and was not
pushed into the water. The demand for the
return of the basket was treated as a trifle
but a promise was given, nevertheless, that
it should be returned. To the Chinese mer-
chants who were asked to deliver the letter
a statement was made that the captain would
not give up the man without seeing the
Viceroy, and that he would not even be
placed in the charge of the Select Com-
mittee. The discussion continued for some
weeks and eventually was amicably closed,
a settlement being greatly facilitated by the
recovery of the wounded man and a confes-
sion on the part of the second Chinese
concerned that he had thrown himself
overboard. Owing to this occurrence, the
President of the Select Committee applied
40 TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMI'KESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHAN(JHAI, ETC.
for a a>pv of the laws of China with special
reference to the crime of homicide. In reply
they received a paper containing extracts
from the Chinese c^xle of laws.
The priiK-ipal clauses cited were :
1st. A inan who kills another on the
SMpicton of theft shall be strangled, aca)rd-
3rd. A man who puts to death a criminal
who had been apprehended and made no
resistance shall be strangled according to
the law of homicide committed in an affray.
4th. A man who falsely accuses another
innocent person of theft (in cases of greatest
criminality) is guilty of a capital offence ;
THE EARL OF MACARTNEY.
(FfXMn Sir George Staunton's " Lord Mac;irtney'8 Embassy.**)
ing to the law against homicide committed
in an affray.
2nd. A man who fires at another with
a musket and kills him thereby shall be
beheaded as in cases of wilful murder. If
the sufferer is wounded (but not mortally)
the offender shall be sent into exile.
in all other cases the criminals whether
principals or accessories, shall be sent into
exile.
5th. A man who wounds another unin-
tentionally shall be tried according to the
law respecting blows given in an affray,
and the punishment rendered more or less
severe according to the degree of injury
sustained.
6th. A man who, intoxicated with liquor,
commits outrages against the laws, shall
be exiled to a desert country, there to
remain in a state of servitude.
"The foregoing are articles of the laws
of the Empire of China, according to which
judgment is passed on persons offending
against them, without allowing of any com-
promise or extenuation."
After a long period of immunity from
trouble tlie more or less friendly relations
existing between the British factory and the
authorities at Canton were rudely interrupted
by an incident of the familiar kind. On
P'ebruary 24, 1808, some sailors from tlie
Company's sliip Ncpliine got into an alterca-
tion with a party of natives near the factory.
The men were promptly withdrawn to the
factory precincts, but they were followed by
a Chinese mob who commenced to throw
stones at the factory and at every European
passing. Eluding their officers the men
rushed out and attacked the mob, causing the
death of one of the number. The Select
Committee decided to comply with every
reasonable demand that might be made upon
them in connection with the unfortunate inci-
dent, but to resist with firmness anything of
a contrary nature. After long discussions
between the British and the authorities it
was arranged that an examination ol 52
men of the Neptune should take place at
the factory, where the Chinese consented to
hold the court of inquiry. At the inquiry
the forms of a Chinese Court of Justice were
observed, but seats were provided for Captain
liolles of H.M.S. Lion, the members of the
Committee, and for Sir George Staunton,
wliile two of Captain Holies' marines with
fixed bayonets were posted as sentries at the
door of the factory during the whole of the
proceedings. The Chinese produced no evi-
dence, but Captain Buchanan and the officers
of the Ncptniic admitted that eleven men had
been specially singled out by their violence
in the affray. It was hoped that the assign-
ment of some punishment to these men
would have satisfied the Chinese, but the
Cliinese officials made it clear that they
would not be satisfied until some one person
had been named. Eventually the name of
the ringleader, Edward Sheen, was given,
and there seemed every indication that the
payment of a sum of money as compensation
would now settle the business. As, however,
the members of the Committee were about
to leave for Macao a demand was made upon
them for the custody of Sheen. The claim
was resisted, and it was not until Captain
Rolles was about to take the man with him
on board the Lion that the Mandarins yielded.
Ultimately a settlement was effected on the
payment of a pecuniary fine. Thereafter
trade which had been at a complete stand-
still during the prolonged discussions was
resumed. The Court of Directors were so
gratified with the ability and firm conduct
displayed on tlie occasion that tliey passed a
special resolution of thanks and voted a sum
of ;ii,ooo to Captain Rolles for his part in
the transaction.
twp:ntieth century impressions of Hongkong,
SHANGHAI, ETC.
41
CHAPTER VI.
The effe<5t of the War between France and England — British occupation of Macao— Indignation of the Chinese
Government — Peremptory demand for the evacuation of Macao— Stoppage of Trade — Withdrawal of the British
Troops — Further Incidents at Canton — Outrageous Conduct of the Chinese Officials — Sir George Staunton protests
— British leave Canton — Trade resumed — Lord Amherst's Mission — Arrival in China — Ships of the Mission anchor
in Hongkong Harbour — Failure of the Mission — Arrogant Policy of the Chinese — Formal Complaint made by
British Merchants to the Select Committee of 1 832 — Appointment of Lord Napier as Superintendent of Trade —
His ill-treatment and death.
The prolonged state of war between France
and England at the close of the eighteenth
and the beginning of the nineteenth century
from time to time influenced the China trade.
The British mercantile ships for a consider-
able period were regularly convoyed, and in
1804 there was a brisk action in the China
seas between a homeward bound fleet of
sixteen sail under Sir Nathaniel Dance, and a
French squadron under Admiral Linois. The
utmost gallantry was shown on this occasion
by the British ships with the result that the
attacking fleet was beaten off. It was esti-
mated that the value of British property at
slake on the occasion reached the high figure
of si.xteen millions. Consequent upon the
frequent visits of the King's ships to the
China coast at this juncture negotiations were
opened up with the local Chinese authorities
for the use of Anson's Bay in the Canton
River as an anchorage. The Select Com-
mittee were unable to obtain avowed sanction
for the use of the bay, but the authorities
permitted supplies of provisions to be sent
up from VVhampoa, and having secured this
material concession the Committee were the
less anxious on the other points involved as
they were convinced that the anchoring of
the ships in the bay would be tolerated, and
in time become an established privilege.
In 1808 a serious difference arose between
the British and the Chinese authorities owing
to action that was taken in connection with the
war. A vague report having been transmitted
to the Bengal Government to the effect that
the P'rench contemplated the occupation of
Macao a combined naval and military expe-
dition was sent from India to forestall the
intended move. A landing was effected in
September in opposition to the sentiments of
the Portuguese Governor and to the known
wishes of the local Chinese. A formal protest
was promptly made by the Hoppo against the
occupation, and this was followed by a more
emphatic remonstrance from the Viceroy.
Later, Chinese troops were ordered to the
spot to compel the evacuation of the port by
the British force, and the threat was held
out that in the event of the occupation being
continued the ships at Whampoa would be
fired. Notwithstanding this hostile attitude
on the part of the Chinese a second detach-
ment of troops was landed on the 20th of
October. By this time trade was at a stand-
still, and the usual relations between the
authorities and the Select Committee through
the Chinese merchants had been broken off.
A letter was forwarded by the Committee on
the 5th of November to the Viceroy request-
ing that some person might be appointed
to receive their representation. A reply came
through a Mandarin that the Viceroy had
seen their letter, but did not think a compli-
ance necessary " as the troops must be
removed, their remaining on shore being
contrary to the law of the Empire." The
Committee intimated that in view of the
haughty conduct of the Isontock the Admiral
could not remove the troops as such action
might have the appearance of fear. The
discussion now waxed warmer. As the Vice-
roy declined to receive a further commu-
nication the President stated his intention
to order all British sulijects to quit Canton
in forty-eight hours. To this threat the
Viceroy replied on the 21st of November
that if they wished to make war on China
he was prepared, but that he would not
commence. He added that the Committee
might, if they pleased, remove the ships, but
that if they went they would not be permitted
to return. Matters remained in abeyance until
further resistance was useless the President
gave orders for the withdrawal of the troops
and the evacuation was completed by the
2oth of December. The settlement was a
distinct triumph for the Chinese authorities.
Having made a demand at the outset they
never wavered in their determination to
enforce it, and in the end they completely
carried their point. There can be little
question that the incident did much to lower
British prestige. An immediate result which
flowed from it was that obstacles were
placed in the way of the free entrance of the
Company's ships to the river. The Court of
Directors recalled the President and consti-
tuted a new Select Committee and took other
HOUSE OF A CHINESE MERCHANT NEAR CANTON.
(l'"i(im an cngraviiii;.)
the 4th of December, when the Select Com-
mittee, then assembled at Macao, received
an imperial edict for the withdrawal of the
troops. Instead of complying with this the
British redoubled their preparations for the
defence of the positions they held. As a
consequence the batteries at the Bogue forts
fired at the ships going up and down the
river and the fire was returned. Then came
something in the nature of an ultimatum
from the Viceroy — a declaration that while
there remained a single soldier in Macao
and the laws were disobeyed the British
should not trade, and that if the Admiral
hesitated a moment " innumerable troops
would be sent to destroy him." Finding that
measures to efface the unpleasant impression
left by the bungling policy of the old Com-
mittee. But it was not until the end of
October that the Emperor's orders were
received for the placing of foreign trade on
its old footing. Thereafter events dropped
once more into their accustomed groove,
though it was not long before new disputes
arose to interrupt the course of trade, and
the maimer in which these episodes were
treated by tlie Chinese officials indicated that
they had not forgotten their triumph in the
Macao business.
By far the most important of the contro-
versies raised raged around the presence in
Chinese waters of H.M.S. Doris during the
42 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
»-ar with America. In April, 1814, the Dons
arri\-ed in Macao Roads with, as a prize, the
American ship Hunter, captured off the
LjKlrones. A communicalion was addressed
to the President by the Chinese authorities
pointing out that the action taken was a
Canton to open up negotiations for a settle-
ment with tlie Viceroy. In furtherance of
the arrangement Sir George Staunton, on the
20th of October, proceeded to Canton accom-
panied by Sir Theopliilus Metcalfe. At the
interview which took place Sir George stated
A STREET IN CANTON.
(From AlU'in & Wrijiht's ''Chiiui.")
vioblion of the functions of the Celestial
Empire, and desiring that the Doris might
be directed not to intercept American ships
going out of the river. Protracted discussions
ensued as to the legitimacy of the course
which had been pursued. As the American
ship had l>een taken without the limits of the
Chinese jurisdiction the Committee did not
consider that the Chinese Government had
any locus sUimii. They caused it to be
known that the Americans had declared war
against the British, and that the British
oommander had orders to capture American
veaiels. The Chinese retort was that " if the
English and Americans have petty quarrels
let tliem go to their own country and settle
them." At the same time the Select Com-
mittee were required to order the Doris away.
While the war of words was at height the
Viceroy aggravated the situation by issumg
an order prohibiting the employment of native
servants at the factoiy. In vain the Select
Committee represented that for one hundred
years they had been allowed to employ native
servants, and that a change in the custom
now would cause great confusion. The
Government, finding that their edict was not
obeyed as promptly as it anticipated, or at
least wished, sent emissaries into the factory
with orders to seize all native servants they
might find there. A vigorous protest was
ItKlgcd by the Commillce against the outrage,
but its only effect appeared to be to stimulate
the Chinese authorities to greater insolence.
Traffic was suspended, one of the Company's
captains on his way from Whampoa to
Canton, though travelling with an ofiicial
pa**, was stopped and forcibly carried to the
offidaJ headquarters, and, finally, the Com-
mittee's linguist was seized. The Select
Committee, after deliberating over the best
course to pursue in the face of this outrageous
conduct of tlie Canton officials, decided
ullimateiy to depute Sir George Staunton to
" that he was charged by the Coiiimiltee with
several cominuiiitalions of imporlaiice, but
in none of them was anything proposed for
themselves more than the prosecution of a
fair and equitable commerce under the pro-
tection of His Imperial Majesty ; that they
entertained every disposition to obey his
laws ; that they sought for no innovations,
nor were desirous of interfering in any affairs
of Government in which they were not
concerned." After a series of meetings tlie
Viceroy suddenly broke off the negotiations.
Sir George Staunton therefore quitted Canton,
having previously desired all British subjects
to leave also. The Company's ships were by
his directions removed from Whampoa to a
point near the Bocca Tigris. Here they
remained until the middle of November, when
deputations of the hong merchants came from
Canton to request that further movement of
the ships might be suspended in view of the
fact that the Viceroy was willing to depute
a Mandarin to discuss the remaining points
in dispute. Sir George Staunton, responding
to the representations made by the deputa-
tions, returned to Canton ; but he had no
sooner arrived there than he was informed
by Howqua, the leading merchant, that the
Mandarin would not be sent until trade was
resumed. Incensed at this double dealing.
Sir George Staunton announced his intention
of immediately quitting Canton and at the
same time took occasion to point out "the
unparalleled disgrace and dishonour which
must fall upon himself (Howqua), his Govern-
ment, and his country if the promises, upon
the truth of which the English gentleman
had returned to Canton, were to be so
shamefully violated." The hong merchants
pleaded that if the Mandarins retracted it
was not their fault. Sir George Staunton
retorted that such a breach of national faith
could not take place without infamy and
heavy responsibility attaching somewhere.
The interview ended with a promise on the
part of the merchants that they would consult
the Mandarins. They did so, with the result
that a mcetinsj was after all arranged and
took place without the stipulated prior openliij;
of trade. A series of proposals bearing upon
recent incidents were subsequently drawn up
for consideration by the Chinese autlioiilies.
Some days after they had been submitted the
Viceroy's reply was given through Howqua.
Most of the demands made were conceded,
though in one or two points the language of
the reply seemed to be deliberately obscure.
The capricious and vexatious action of the
local authorities at Canton in this and other
cases, combined with a desire to establish
the China trade on a footing of permanent
stability, suggested the advisability of send-
ing anotlier mission to the Emperor of
China. In the tirst instance the proposal
emanated from a gentleman who had been
a member of Lord Macartney's suite, and
Lord Liverpool's Government were not
disposed to think that there was sufficient to
justify the great expense Involved in the
despatch of the mission. But the Court of
Directors adopted the scheme so warmly
and brought forward such strong aigunicnls
in its favour that the Government ended by
extending to the project their hearty support.
Ixird Amherst was selected to till the office
of ambassador. This nobleman had not the
great qualifications for the office which were
possessed by his predecessor and in the
light of subsequent events it may lie
questioned whether the Government choice
was altogether a wise one. He was, how-
ever, no novice In public affairs and had had
training in diplomatic work for some time
previously as British representative in Sicily.
He eml-iodled In his person the average
qualitications of a British diplomat of the
period. What he lacked was a knowledge
of Orientals and their ways — a very 'serious
shortcoming in the circumstances. With
WILLIAM PITT AMHERST, FIRST
EARL AMHERST.
(From a print in tlie British Museum.)
Lord Amherst went as chief assistant Mr.
Henry Ellis, who had canled through some
delicate negotiations with the Shah of
Persia, and the Ambassador's son, the Hon.
Jeffery Amherst, also accompanied him.
The Alccstc, a frigate of forty-six guns was
set apart for the accommodation of Lord
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 43
Amiierst and his suite, and in attendance subject. At length, when the controversy
upon it were the East Indiaman General had raged for three days, the Ambassador
Hewitt and the brig Lyra. Quitting Spit- was aroused from his bed one morning to
head on February 8, i8i6, the vessels receive a message from the Emperor to the
arrived off tlie Lamma Islands on the loth effect tliat he must either perform the Itotma
ANCIENT VIEW OF PEKING.
(From De Goyer & De Keysers •■ Embassy to China.")
of July and found awaiting them there two
of the East India Company's ships having
on board Sir G. Staunton, who was to accom-
pany the Embassy in the important position
of interpreter, and other gentlemen who
were to discharge various duties in con-
nection with it. Two days subsequent to
the meeting the squadron, now numbering
five ships, dropped anchor in Hongkong
Harbour. The occasion was the first on
which the position had been brought into
prominence by association with important
events in the history of British relations
with China, but the harbour had often been
used previously by merchantmen trading on
the China coast, and its advantages were
well known though few at the time could
have suspected the great destiny which was
marked out for the island. Soon after the
squ.idron's arrival news was brought to
Lord Amherst that the Emperor was pre-
pared to receive him. The sojourn at
Hongkong was, therefore, cut short, and the
vessels sailed on the I2tli of July for the
mouth of the White River in the Gulf of
Pechili, which was reached on the 28th of
July. The Ambassador was kept waiting on
board his ship for some days pending the
arrival of the Imperial Legate. When at
length this functionary put in an appearance
the mission landed at Tientsin, reaching that
port on August 12th. At the very outset the
question of the kotow was raised. The
Chinese put the performance of the
ceremony forward as an indispensable con-
dition of an audience, and they had the
effrontery to assert that in complying Lord
Amherst would only be following the pre-
cedent set by Lord Macartney, who had
conceded the point. A further argument
used was that trade at Canton would suffer
if the Ambassador persisted in his objection
to the ceremony. Lord Amherst courteously
but firmly declined to entertain the proposal
for a moment. He understood the immense
importance which attached to his maintain-
ing an unyielding attitude, and steadily
rejected all proposals made to him on the
or return to England. Lord Amherst's reply
was an offer to perform the ceremony pro-
vided that he received a formal engagement
on the part of the Emperor that any subject
of his deputed to England should be ordered
to perform the same ceremony to the British
sovereign. The Chinese officials declined to
But on the following morning the two
Mandarins who acted as conductors of the
Embassy stated that two ofticers of very
high rank had been appointed to meet the
Embassy at Tung Chow, 12 miles from
the capital, to renew the negotiation as to
ceremonial, and it was suggested that in the
meantime a rehearsal of the ceremony
should take place. The proposed rehearsal
was declined, but Ihe offer was made of a
written promise to perform the ceretnony
before the Emperor on the terms already
stated. The Mandarins seemed to be
satisfied with this, and having obtained from
the Ambassador the formal document gave
orders for the journey to be continued to
Peking. Four days subsequently the subject
was re-opened by the Mandarins with the
object of preparing the way for the recep-
tion of the delegates who were to give
instruction in the ceremony. It was artfully
suggested that the Ambassador might very
well yield as "such report as he saw tit
might be made to England." The notion
that the home authorities should be deceived
was promptly spurned, and with renewed
emphasis a statement of the limits to which
Lord AiTiherst was prepared to go was
made. Some Mandarins who brought the
message relative to the conference behaved
very rudely in the presence of the mission.
They treated the objections raised to the
performance of the ceremony with insolent
contempt. Their inental attitude is well
illustrated by the remark of one of them,
" that as there was only one sun in the
firmament, so there was only one sovereign
in the universe, the Emperor of the
Heavenly Empire." The discussions con-
tinued until the mission reached the palace
of Yuen-ming-Yuen at Peking on the evening
of the 29th of August. Prostrate with the
fatigues of a long journey, unnecessarily
Pro.^iT.CT OF Y INNKR COniT OT TUX EMl'moUK?
rAIACf, dt TEKIN
AN ANCIENT VIEW OF THE PALACE AT PEKING.
(From a print in the British Museum.)
entertain this compromise and they formally
took their leave while the heads of the boats
were turned down the river as if in pre-
paration for a return. Whether this was
done in order to test the finnness of the
Ambassador, or in obedience to the
Emperor's instructions was not made plain.
protracted in its final stage for some pur-
pose not easy to define. Lord Amherst was
about to retire to rest when he received a
peremptory summons into the presence of
the Emperor. The Ambassador was con-
siderably taken aback by having so e.xtra-
ordinary a demand made upon him, and
44 TWENTIETH CENTURY I^IPHESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
cxpTxrssed his inlcniion not to go. One of
Ihc k-Jiting Mandarins thereupon took him
sonK-whal roughly by the arm with the
object apparently of compellinj; him to pro-
ceed. The .\mbassa<lor shakiiii! himself free
stated that nolhin); short of the exercise of
violence would induce him to wait on the
Emperor at that time. Finding that I>ord
Amherst was inHexible in his determination
the Chinese authorities without more ado
issued orders for the immediate return of
the mission. The instructions were carried
out to the letter. Though tired and indis-
posed the AmK-issador and his suite the next
dav were despatched along the route by
which they had travelled with a haste which
can only l>e descTibcd as indecent. As was
remarked at the time, the Chinese treatment
of the mission '• comported more with the
barbarity of a Tartar cmip than with conduct
which could have lieen exjHicted even from
the most uncivilised of crown heads." The
mis-sion made its way to Canton overland
passing down the Grand Canal and over the
famous Meling Pass. As it receded from
ing hatred towards the " outer barbarians,"
and never missed an opportunity of displaying
that dislike. Still, there were circumstances
in connection with the arrangements for tlie
mission which appeared to indicate that the
inifierial mind might have been iiiHuenced in
the right direction if Lord .Amherst had
humoured the Emperor's whim of summoning
him to an immediate interview. Kiaking was
so far complaisant that he was willing to
receive the Ambassador with the English
LX'remonial which had marked his pre-
decessor's reception of Lord Macartney, and
there is good reason to think that his com-
mand for Lord Amherst to attend upon him
directly after his arrival was due not so nauch
to an intention to show disrespect to the
mission as to a desire to satisfy a curiosity
to see the strangers. An opportunity was
undoubtedly missed, and though Lord
Amherst's action was supported by Sir George
Staunton and other expert authorities on
Chinese affairs in his suite, it is impossible
not to feel that the situation was not handled
with the tactfulness which it demanded.
LANDING PLACE AND ENTRANCE TO THE TEMPLE OF HONAN, CANTON.
(From Allum & Wrigtit's "Ctiin.-!.")
the capital the bearing of the Chinese
oflfk-ials towards it improved. The M mdarin
in charge of it showed the utmost deference
and at every military fort that the travellers
passed honours were paid them. The
Embassy arrived at Canton on New Year's
Day, 1817, and it embarked for home on the
20th of January following. Misfortune
dogged Its steps to the end. On the way
through the China Se.i, when off the island
of Pulo Leal, the Alcestc struck on a sunken
rock and foundered. No liven were
sacrificed, but Lord Amherst and his suite
lost all their belongings, including the
presents which they were conveying home.
They arrived in England at last with a very
substantial bill of expenses for the nation to
liquidate, but with very little else to their
record. It is a moot point whether in any
circumstances good would have come from
the mission. The Emperor Kiaking was a
different type of man to Kienlung who
had received Lord Macartney. He was a
despot of a very narrow type— haughty, cruel,
and capricious. He entertained an unrelent-
Whatever degree of responsibility may have
attached personally to the Ambassador for the
failure of the mission, the result was accepted
as decisive at home. " It may, we think, be
clearly inferred," observed the Court of
Directors in their review of the mission, " that
in the event of future disagreements with the
Viceroy of Canton, no dependence can be
placed on the efficacy of an embassy, though
appointed and commissioned by the Crown."
As the previous history of British relations
with the Chinese authorities must have led
the trading community at Canton to expect,
there was no alleviation in the local situation
as a result of the mission. On the contrary
the condition of affairs grew appreciably
worse as the years passed by and it
became clearer that no effectual bar could be
opposed to the high-handed actions of tlie
Mandarins. After a .series of incidents of a
familiar character matters reached some-
thing like a crisis in 1821. On the I5lh of
December in that year some seamen from
the British warship Topazc were attacked
while ashore at Lintin by a large mob of
Chinese, and several of the men were woun-
ded. In order to effect the re-embarkation
of the party, the officer in command of the
frigate tired some round shot and sent two
cutters manned and armed to protect the
barge conveying tlie seamen from the shore.
The incident on being reported to the
Chinese authorities elicited from tliem a de-
mand that the wounded men sliould be sent
ashore for examination. Very naturally Cap-
tain Richardson of the Topnzc declined to
entertain the proposal, and he further em-
phatically rejected a suggestion that was put
forward tliat the men who had fired the
shots (which had resulted in the death of
two men) should be handed over to the
Chinese power. The Canton authorities,
finding that nothing was to be obtained from
Captain Richardson, stopped the trade and
endeavoured by coercing the Select Com-
mittee to obtain an acceptance of their
demands. The position now became so
threatening that the Company's treasure was
removed from Canton to Whampoa, and
preliminary measures were taken for the
removal of the English community fiom the
city. Before embarking, the Committee, on
the loth of Jaiuiary, addressed a letter to the
Viceroy stating that tliey had no control over
His Majesty's ships, but that as they had
been held responsible they had accordingly
determined to quit China. The Viceroy in
reply to an application for permission to
ship goods, stated that he would not allow
so much as " a thread of silk or the down
of a plant" to be embarked until the foreign
nuM-derers were delivered up by the chief.
The British traders on leaving Canton pro-
ceeded to Chuenpee, from which place the
negotiations were continued for some little
time. On tlie 8th of February the Topazc
sailed and with her depaitiire events took a
more favourable turn. Finally, on an assur-
ance being given that the whole affair would
be reported by Captain Richardson to the
Home Government who would apportion the
blame, the Viceroy, on February 22nd, issued
an edict re-opening trade. Three days later
the establishment returned to Canton, their
arrival there being followed by the issue of
a supplementary edict of considerable length
containing a gross travesty of the facts
bearing upon the Lintin affair. On a report
of the incident reaching England, the
Government issued orders that in future
during peace none of the ships of the navy
should visit any port in China, excepting on
a requisition from the Governor-General of
India, or from the Select Committee of
supercargoes at Canton. The Court, in for-
warding a copy of these instructions to
Canton, urged that only in a case of extreme
necessity should a requisition be made for
a warship. They intimated that they inten-
ded to give the most express orders to the
captains of their ships as to tlie custody of
firearms, with a view to rendering impos-
sible their unauthorised use by members of
the crew. It was hoped that with this
action the inconvenient spectre of Lintin
had been laid, but from time to time rum-
bling echoes of the affair were heard, and
in 1827, on the appointment of a new
Viceroy, the question was re-opened, and
for a time threatened to give rise to new
trouble. The firm attitude assumed by the
Committee, however, had eventually the
desired effect of bringing the authorities to
see that nothing was to be gained by con-
tinuing the controversy.
Though for their own reasons Chinese
ofliclals might allow a particular incident to
pass into oblivion nothing apparently could
change their rooted hostility to the foreign
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 45
traders. Before very long tlie situation
became worse tlian ever. A set of new
regulations was introduced wliicli placed fresh
obstacles in the way of trade, and simul-
taneously with their promulgation there set
in a policy of a deliberately provocative
character. A stoppage of trade was precipi-
tated in May, 1831, by a series of acts of
exceptional insolence. Early in the morning
of the 12th of the month the Foo-yuen,
one of the leading oBicials, with a guard
of soldiers forced an entrance into the Com-
pany's factory, and entering the public hall
directed that the portraits with which it was
adorned should be uncovered. When that
of George IV. was pointed out to him he
ostentatiously ordered the back of his chair
to be turned to it, and seated himself in a
manner plainly indicating contempt. A more
serious outrage perpetrated by this oflicial
was the issuing of orders for the removal of
an embankment which had been made on
the river side of the factory in extension of
the Company's premises. This emliankment
had been constructed from rubbish removed
from the factory after a great tire in 1822
which consumed most of the buildings. The
work had been carried out with the sanction
of the Chinese authorities and though it
added a considerable area to the factory
enclosure it did so without injury to pther
interests. The arrogant official, without enter-
ing into any explanation, ordered the removal
of the rubbish composing tlie embankment.
The excavated material was loaded into boats
and conveyed by them to a point about fifty
yards below the factory where it was thrown
into the river, as if to show that the desire
was not to remove a public obstruction but
to offer a public insult to the Company's
representatives. These measures created
much indignation amongst the British com-
munity, and they were regarded even by the
Chinese mercantile community as outrageous
and improper in the highest degree.
In view of the increasingly hostile dis-
position shown by the Chinese otiicials to
British traders, and the growing difficulties
of carrying on trade it was decided to make
a formal representation to the home authori-
ties in order to secure an amelioration of the
conditions by Government action. The
opportunity of obtaining an effective ventila-
tion of grievances was afforded in 1832 by
the appointment of a Select Connnittee of the
House of Commons to consider the question
of the future of China trade. A petition em-
bodying the opinions of the British community
was drawn up and in due course presented.
It displayed a striking picture of the humilia-
tions to which Europeans at that period were
subjected. The document referred to "the
many studied indignities heaped upon for-
eigners by the acts of this Government and
by contumelious edicts placarded on the walls
of their very houses, representing them as
addicted to the most revolting crimes, with
no other object than to stamp them in the
eyes of the people as a barbarous, ignorant
and depraved race, every way inferior to
themselves."
" No privation or discomfort," the petition
went on to say, "is too minute to escape notice
in the pursuit of this ever present purpose.
Free air and exercise are curtailed by pre-
cluding access to the country or beyond the
confined streets in the immediate vicinity of
their habitations. Even the sacred ties of
domestic life are disregarded in the separa-
tion of husband and wife, parent and child,
rendered unavoidable by a capricious prohibi-
tion against foreign ladies residing in Canton,
for which there appears to be no known law,
and no other authority than the plea of usage."
The petition also stated: "They (the Chinese)
subject foreigners to treatment to which it
would be difficult to find a parallel in any
part of the world " ; " they make no distinc-
tion between manslaughter and murder as
applied to foreigners " ; the Government
" withholds from foreigners the protection
of its laws, and its power is felt only in a
system of unceasing oppression, pursued on
the avowed principle of considering every
other people as placed many degrees below
its own in the scale of human beings " ;
" bribes are openly demanded by low and
unprincipled men who possess an arbitrary
power of levying the import duties on
goods" ; and "the local authorities at Canton
are a venal and corrupt class of persons
who impose severe burdens upon commerce."
This tremendous indictment of the Chinese
metliods of dealing with British traders had
no small influence in bringing about the
change which occurred at this period in
relation to the China trade. Hitherto the
East India Company had enjoyed a practical
position without any preliminary inquiry as
to whether they would be received. The
natural consequence was that their oflicial
character was completely ignored, and they
were treated with a degree of disrespect
which could not have been exceeded if they
had appeared in the character of mere private
personages. On their arrival at Canton the
tide waiters ofhcially reported that " three
foreign devils " had landed without leave.
Shortly afterwards the Governor issued an
edict declaring that the presence of the British
superintendents in Canton was an infringe-
ment of established laws, and that " tlie
barbarian eye " (Lord Napier) ought to have
awaited orders at Macao. Lord Napier, there-
fore, addressed a letter to the Governor
explaining that he had come in an official
capacity, and asking an interview. The
missive was returned to the writer unopened,
with a contemptuous message that it could not
be received because it was not superscribed
as a humble petition. In vain Lord Napier
requested that his communication might be
GREAT TEMPLE OF HONAN, CANTON.
{From Allonl & Wiighl's "China.")
monopoly of the commercial intercourse
with the Far East. What private trade there
was was carried on witliout official recognition
and under serious disadvantages. In 1833,
on the expiry of the Company's charter,
the Government decided to throw the trade
open to all, and to appoint oflicial superinten-
dents to act as intermediaries between the
Chinese ofticials and tlie traders. The highly
responsible post of Chief British Superinten-
dent was entrusted to Lord Napier, and as
his assistants Mr. (afterwards Sir) J. F. Davis,
and Sir G. B. Robinson were sent out. Lord
Palmerston, who was Foreign Secretary at
the time, drew up the instructions for the
three representatives. He was a distinguished
public man, thoroughly versed in European
diplomacy and statecraft, but he had a pro-
found ignorance of tlie Oriental character,
and he made the glaring mistake of assuming
that the punctilio, indispensable in the case
of a European power, was not necessary
where an Oriental government was concerned.
Lord Napier and his colleagues were sent
out to fill what was practically a diplomatic
accepted. Not a single person could be found
to risk official displeasure by delivering it.
The next stage in the business was the issue
(in August) of an edict demanding that Lord
Napier should return to Macao, and threaten-
ing to stop trade in the event of his non-
compliance with the order. The edict was
ignored by the British representatives with
the result that trade was stopped on Sep-
tember 2nd. To emphasise their displeasure
the authorities put a Chinese guard on the
British factory. Lord Napier's response to
this was to call up two British frigates to
protect the lives and properly of British
subjects. These vessels, the Amiiomache and
the Iiiiogcm; on passing through the Bogue
were fired upon from the forts and returned
the fire. In the enuagement there were
several casualties on both sides. The two
ships forced their way up the river to Canton,
where they landed a body of blue jackets and
marines at the factory. The energy shown
had a salutary effect upon the Chinese officials,
who dropped their boasting and insolence, and
sought an accommodation. Unfortunately, at
46 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANCJHAI, ETC.
this particular juncture. Lord Napier, over-
come by the heat and the strain of the
neiMi^tions, t>ec.ime seriously ill. The situa-
tion, consequently, did not receive the amount
of attention which its ini|x>rlance demanded.
The «>utcoine of the negotiations with the
authorities was an arrangement which enabled
the Chinese to completely turn the tables on
the British representatives. It was decided
that the frig.ites should be withdrawn, and
that Lord N'apier should go to M.-icao to
recruit The step, in any event, was a
measure of weakness, but .is it was carried
out it was a positive humiliation. Instead of
proceeding as he should have done to Macao
in one of the frigates, Lord Xapier took
passage in a native craft provided by the
Chinese authorities. The Chinese, seizing
the opportunity which the carelessness of the
British offered, took good care to make the
most of "the barbarian eye." He was re-
presented as a prisoner of oflTended Chinese
authority who was being sent in disgrace to
Macao. The journey was prolonged in every
possible way, and all sorts of minor indignities
were heaped upon Lord Napier's head. Wlien
the British Superintendent did arrive at Macao
he was in a state of such e.\trenie prostration
that he took to his bed and died within a
fortnight. His body was interred with
military honours in the Protestant cemetery at
Macao, but the remains were afterwards
exhumed and taken to England to find a
final resting pl.ace on his native soil. This
deplorable episode in British relations with
China did not end with Lord Napier's death.
The Emperor, on hearing of tlie advance
of the frigates to Canton, degr.ided the Man-
darins responsible for permitting the outrage
upt>n Chinese authority. Afterwards, on
receiving a report that Lord Napier had
been driven out and tlie British warships
" dragged over the shallows and e.vpelled "
he revoked the edict and restored most
of the Mandarins. In gratitude for favours
received, and in order to show that tlieir
zeal had not abated, the Chinese authorities
carried their crusade against the British
intruders to Macao. The Governor of that
place put a number of his subordinates to
the torture " to ascertain if they had been
guilty of illicit connexion witli the foreigners,"
and on his instructions several natives who
had printed some papers for Lord Napier
were severely bambooed and thrown into
prison. Of all the blunders committed
by the British in tlieir dealings witli the
Chinese tlie thrusting of Lord Napier upon
the Chinese authorities, and the acquies-
cence in his subsequent ignominious treat-
ment were possibly the greatest. The
mismanagement and feebleness shown in this
connection gave strength to the reactionary
influences in China at this period, and led
to a state of affairs from which there was
no outlet but war.
CHAPTER VII.
TTie Opium Traffic — Commissioner Lin's Campaign at Canton against the Trade — Imprisonment of the Superin-
tendent of Trade and Merchants at the British Factory — Surrender of Opium and its destruction by Lin's
orders — Withdrawal of the British to Macao and subsequently to Hongkong — Unsuccessful attack by the Chinese
Fleet on the British Ships in Hongkong Harbour.
Before the events narrated in the conclud-
ing portion of the last chapter had reached
their tragic consummation a neiv factor had
come into prominence to add bitterness to
the relations between the Chinese Govern-
ment and the British trading community.
Tliis disturbing agency was, it may be readily
surmised, the opium trade. For a great
many years tjefore this period the drug had
been imported into China. There are traces
of the traffic well back into the eighteenth
century. Until 1773 the trafhc was in the
hands of the Portuguese who annually im-
ported 200 chests from Goa. Then English
merchants engaged in the trade in a desultory
fashion until 1781, when the East India
Company took the sale of the drug into their
own hands. Thereafter the traffic developed
considerably. Indeed, the Chinese had be-
come so addicted to tlie opium habit by 1796
that the Emperor acting at the instigation
of the Canton Viceroy, " an upright, bold
and rigid minister," issued a strongly worded
rescript expressive of his ''deep regret that
the vile dirt of foreign countries should be
received in exchange for the commodities and
money of the Empire," and expressing fear
" lest the practice of smoking opium should
prevail among all the people, to the waste
of their time and the destruction of their
property." This denunciation was followed at
irregular intervals by other edicts even more
einphatic in language. But the trade increased
in spite of the imperial fulminations. Their
only perceptible effect was to drive the
operations to a certain extent underground.
The opium came in in sufiicient quantity to
satisfy demands, but it came in not as an
ordinary import but as a contraband on which
a corrupt officialdom levied a heavy toll. In
the first instance the smuggling transactions
were carried through at Macao, but the
rapacity of the Portuguese drove the trade
to the island of Liiitin. There the drug was
stored in armed ships and delivered to the
Chinese runners on written orders from the
Canton merchants to whom the money for
the drug had previously been paid. Such
was the perfection of the arrangements that
the trade was prosecuted with the utmost
smoothness, and as the nineteenth century
advanced it underwent a marvellous ex-
pansion. The following figures illustrate the
position as it developed in the period ante-
cedent to Lord Napier's arrival : —
Year. Chests. Dollars.
1 82 1 4,628 average price 1,325
1825 9,621 „ „ 723
1830 18,760 „ „ 587
1832 23,670 „ „ 648
Total
Dollars.
6,122,100
6,955,983
1 1,012,120
15,338,160
CHINESE OPITm SMOKKK8.
(From Allom A Wright's "China.")
Thus in eleven years the importation in-
creased fivefold. This enormous develop-
ment .ittracted anew the notice of the Chinese
Government to the habit which from the
time of the Emperor Kicnhiiig's edict had
been fitfully condemned. Practical rather
than moral considerations probably influenced
TWENTIETH CENTIJKY iMrEESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 47
their action. Tlie payment for the opium
being made in silver there was a constant
and increasing drain upon the country's
resources. Tlie position was not so bad as
it actually appeared, because as a set-off to
the opium traffic there had grown up wilh
it a trade in tea of almost equal value. But
political economy was and is not a strong
point with the Chinese Mandarins, and they
regarded the money paid out at Canton for
opium and European goods as a dead loss
to the Empire. The Government strove
furiously to repress a commerce which
touched them on such a very tender point.
" Terrible laws and decrees," says a well-
known writer, " were fulminated by the
Imperial Court against all smokers, senders
or purchasers of opium. They were to be
beaten with a hundred strokes of the bamboo,
to stand in the pillory, and to receive other
punishments. But the very persons charged
with the execution of these laws were them-
selves the most habitual and inveterate
infringers of them, and nearly every man on
the sea coast was a smuggler of opium." An
Imperial State paper gives the oflicial view
of ihe state of affairs at this period in some
interesting sentences. " It seems," said the
Emperor, " that opium is almost entirely
imported from abroad : worthless subor-
dinates in offices, and nefarious traders first
introduced the abuse : young persons of
family, wealthy citizens, and merchants
adopted the custom, until at last it reached
the common people. I have learnt on inquiry,
from scholars and official persons, that opium
smokers exist in all the provinces, but the
larger proportion of these are to be found
in the Government offices : and that it would
be a fallacy to suppose that there are not
smokers among all ranks of civil and military
officers, below the station of provincial
governors and their deputies. The magis-
trates of districts issue proclamations inter-
dicting the clandestine sale of opium, at the
same time that their kindred and clerks and
servants smoke it as before. Then the
nefarious traders make a pretext of interdict
for raising the price. The police, influenced
by the people in the public offices, become
the secret purchasers of opium, instead of
labouring for its suppression ; and thus all
interdicts and regulations become vain." It
is a striking picture that is thus drawn with
the imperial pen. But as the writer already
quoted points out the denunciation might have
been made far more general. " The highest
mandarin or prince of the blood smoked his
opium pipe, and so did the poorest peasant,
when he could get it. At Canton and all the
frequented seaport towns there were public
houses exclusively devoted to opium smoking.
At Peking, in the very palace, the ladies of
the imperial harem and their emasculated
attendants smoked opium, and would not be
without it ; and if the Emperor himself had
wholly foregone the practice, which is proble-
matical, he had notoriously been an opium
smoker."
The throwing open of the China trade had
a marked effect in aggravating the controversy
which arose over the opium trade. Not only
was an impetus given to the importation of
the drug, but a sense of irresponsibility in
regard to many phases of the commerce was
developed which tended to increase the
official irritation. An almost endless series
of " incidents " occurred of greater or less
importance. Captain Elliot, K.N., who had
attained to the position of Chief Superinten-
dent of British trade, did his utmost to
conciliate the Chinese. By his exertions the
trade was practically driven out of the
Canton River and the smuggling of the drug
was made a diflicult and precarious business.
The Chinese, however, were not to be
placated by any measures, however energetic
or well intenlioned. Their objection was
not so much to the opium trade as to all
foreign trade, and they apparently had come
to the conclusion at the time that they
would exclude it. Towards this end they
unceasingly strove. No overt steps, however,
were taken by the Chinese authorities until
December 12, 1838, when preparations were
made for strangling a native opium dealer
in front of the British factory. An emphatic
protest was made against this outrage by
Captain Elliot, and when the deed had been
perpetrated all the foreign flags were struck
as a mark of tlie indignation felt at so
extraordinary a proceeding. It was soon
made abundantly clear that the authorities
were in earnest in their determination to
push the opium dispute to extreme lengths.
Early in March, 1839, there suddenly
descended upon Canton a high imperial
official charged with extraordinary powers
for the suppression of the opium trade. This
functionary, whose name — Lin — was subse-
quently to become a household word in Eng-
land, announced himself by a proclamation
dated the i8th of March, as a specially ap-
pointed Imperial Commissioner with "great
irresponsible authority," and as being "sworn
to stand or fall by the opium question." On
the previous day the hong merchants had
received an edict commanding them to in-
quire into the state of the opium trade. The
manifesto declared that the utter annihilation
of it was his first object and that, therefore,
" he had given commands to the foreigners
to deliver up to Government all the myriad
chests of opium which they had in their
vessels." The merchants were called upon
to subscribe to a bond in the Chinese and
foreign language jointly declaring that
thenceforth " they would never venture to
bring opium, and that if any should again
be brought, on discovery thereof, the parties
concerned should immediately suffer execu-
tion of the laws and the property be
confiscated to Government." These bonds,
it was intimated, were to be obtained by
the hong merchants and the same reported
to tlie High Commissioner within three days
on penalty of death. On the 19th of March
the Hoppo issued an order to the merchants
directing them to notify the foreigners that
pending the High Commissioner's investiga-
tions they were not at liberty to proceed
down the river to Macao ; in other words,
that they were prisoners in the factories.
With a view to making the order effective,
a strong land and water guard was posted
at the factories, furnished with instructions
to allow of no egress from them. Captain
Elliot, R.N., who was at Macao at the time,
took a very serious view of this action on
the part of the Chinese Government. He
issued a proclamation, dated the 22nd of
March, to the following effect : —
"The Chief Superintendent of the trade
of British subjects in Canton having received
information that Her Majesty's subjects are
detained against their will in Canton, and
having other urgent reasons for the with-
drawal of all confidence in the just and
moderate pretensions of the Provincial
Government, has now to require that all
the ships of Her Majesty's subjects at the
outer anchorages should proceed forthwith
to Hong Kong and hoisting their national
colours be prepared to resist any act of
aggression on the part of the Chinese
Government." Tlie next day he issued
another proclamation in which, after referring
to the Chinese war preparations and " the
threatening language of the High Commis-
sioner and provincial authorities of the most
general application and dark and violent
character," he intimated that he should forth-
with demand passports for all such of Her
Majesty's subjects as might think fit to
proceed outside within the space of ten days.
He counselled all Her Majesty's subjects to
make immediate preparations for moving
their property on board the ships Reliance,
Orwell, and George the Fourth, or other
British vessels at Whampoa. Captain Elliot
followed up his second proclamation by pro-
ceeding to Canton in person with a view,
in his own words, " to put an end to the
state of difficulty and anxiety then existent
by the faithful fulfilment of the Emperor's
will." On arrival he respectfully asked that
the rest of the foreign community might be
set at liberty in order that he might calmly
consider and suggest adequate remedies for
the great evils so justly denounced by His
Imperial Majesty. He was answered by a
close imprisonment of more than seven
weeks, with armed men by day and night
before his gates, under threats of privation of
food, water, and life. " Was this," he asked
in one of his remonstrances, "becoming
treatment to the officer of a friendly nation
recognised by the Emperor, and who had
always performed his duty peaceably and
irreproachably, striving in all things to afford
satisfaction to the Provincial Government?"
Lin was not in the least moved by Captain
Elliot's earnest representations. If anything,
he put the screw on tighter when he found
that his decrees were disregarded. At length
he caused not obscure threats to be conveyed
to the imprisoned merchants that if they did
not yield obedience to his orders he would
cause them to be put to death. Captain Elliot
now realised that if a catastrophe was to be
prevented the Commissioner's demands must
be conceded. He therefore demanded of the
British merchants in the name of the King
that they should hand all the opium in their
possession over to the Imperial Commis-
sioner. The opium was at Hongkong, Linlin,
and other places beyond the port limits,
and yet twenty thousand chests were freely
surrendered. Notwithstanding this extensive
acquiescence in the ofiicial demands, Lin was
not satisfied. His calculation was that the
importation should amount to 20,283 chests,
so that Captain Elliot, in order to meet him,
had to make up the balance by purchases,
paying with bills drawn on tlie British
Government. The operation of collecting the
opium took several weeks, and in the mean-
time Lin had been in communication with
Peking as to the disposal of his capture.
Orders were finally received from the
Emperor to this effect : " Lin and his
colleagues are to assemble the civil and
military oliicers and destroy the opium before
their eyes, thus manifesting to the natives
dwelling on the sea coast and the foreigners
of the outside nations an awful warning.
Respect this. Obey respectfully." The opium
was destroyed at the rate of three hundred
chests a day in an enclosure near the tem-
porary residence of the Imperial Commis-
sioner. In the enclosure were three vats of
about 75 by 150 feet, each opening by sluices
into the river. The chests of opium, after
being re-weighed and broken up in the pre-
sence of high officers, were brought down to
the vats, and the contents were crushed ball
by ball upon platforms and then pushed by the
coolies with their feet into the receptacles
beneath. When the process was completed
the sluices were opened and the muddy com-
pound was emptied into the river. " Every
precaution," says a writer who witnessed
48 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONOKONO, SHANGHAI, ETC.
the operation, "seemed to be used by the
officers to ensure the complete destruction of
the drug, the spot t>eing well guarded, the
workmen ticketed, &c." This view of the
cvMnplcte destruction of the drug was not
universally held at the time. It was allirmed
that the whole of the drug was not destroyed,
that a gixidly portion of the best quality was
withdrawn and allimately disposed of to the
great advantage of the horde of oAicials
engaged in the work.
Captain Elliot soon found that the enor-
mous sacrifice which he had made to win
over the Chinese oflicials was a vain one.
"The servants," rem.irked the British Super-
intendent in an indignant remonstrance, dated
members of the British community had de-
cided to leave Canton.
He added : " The merchants and ships of
the English nation proceed to Macao and
Whampoa, because the gracious coiniuands
of the Emperor for their protection aie set
at nought ; because the truth is concealed
from His Imperial Majesty's knowledge ;
because theie is no safety for a handful of
defenceless men in the giasp of the Govern-
ment of Canton ; and because it would
he derogatory from the dignity of their
Sovereign and nation to forget all the insults
and wrongs which have been perpetrated
till full justice shall have been done, and
till the whole trade intercourse has been
BAY AND ISLAND OF HONGKONG.
(From Borj;ets "Sketches of China.")
•June 21, 1839, "were not faithfully reslored
when one fourth of the opium had been
delivered up ; the boats were not permitted
to run when one half had been delivered
up ; the trade was not really opened when
ttiree fourths had l>een delivered ; and the
last pledge, that things should go on as
usual, when the whole should have been
delivered, has been falsified by the reduction
of the factories to a prison, with one outlet,
the expulsion of sixteen |>ersons, some of
them who never dealt in opium at all, some
clerks (one a lad), and the prf>posing of novel
and intolerable regulations," and in conse-
quence of this faithlessness and want of
security for life, liberty, and property, the
placed upon a footing honourable and secure
to the Empire and to England. That time
is at hand. The gracious Sovereign of the
English nation will can^^e the trulh to be
made known to the wise and august prince
on the throne of this Empire, and all things
will be adjusted agreeably to ihe principles
of the purest reason." The trade was
accordingly stopped. The British merchants
repaired in the first instance to Macao, but
on a dispute occurring near Hongkong
between some English and American sailors
and the Chinese, in which one of the latter
was killed, an attempt was made by the
Chinese authorities to coinpel the surrender
of the seamen concerned in the affair.
Upon this Captain Elliot gave orders for the
removal of the entire fleet to Hongkong, the
splendid harbour of which had in years
immediately preceding been frequently used
by British vessels. When Lin heard of this
move he issued furious edicts prohibiting all
intercourse with the audacious traders and
their " barbarian eye." As these did not
appear to intimidate the British communily,
he took overt measures to assert the out-
raged Chinese authority. Furious proclama-
tions were issued calling all loyal Chinese to
assemble and wage a war of extermination
against " the red-bristled foreigners." A ship
supposed to be British, but actually Spanish,
was on September 12, 1839, seized and
confiscated. Meanwhile, preparations were
made for lauiicliing against the British all
the naval might of this port of tlie Chinese
Empire as represented by a considerable
fleet of war junks. The bolt was sliot on
the 3rd of November when Admiral Kwan
sailed through the Bogue Passage to attack
the Britisli frigates Voltific and Hyaciulh
which were cruising about the entrance
of the rivei'. It was a very unequal combat
that ensued. With the greatest ease the
two war vessels witli their well-manned
modern guns beat off the Chinese squadron.
One of the junks was blown up, tliree
were sunk, and the rest sailed away
badly maimed. The engagement caused the
greatest consternation in Canton, where a
confident expectation had been entertained
of a brilliant and easy victory over Ihe bar-
barians. So serious was the blow that Lin
did not dare to send a true report of
the episode to his imperial master. The
Emperor was led to suppose that the
Chinese had won a great triumph, and
acting on this belief, he bestowed a titular
distinction upon Admiral Kwan. The truth
leaked out afterwards, but the honour was
not withdrawn as Admiral Kwan was a
valuable servant and his imperial master
was loth to part with him. Possibly he also
had hopes, with Admiral Kwan's assistance,
of being able to retrieve the disaster of the
3rd of Noveinber. Whether that was the
case or not, the early months of 1840 were
utilised by the Chinese in making great pre-
parations for a renewal of the combat.
Meanwhile, the Britisli had not been idle.
In view of the serious turn that events had
taken, a considerable armament under Sir
Gordon Bremer was despatclied from India
to reinforce the squadron already at Hong-
kong. The Ciiinese authorities, greatly
alarmed at the strengthening of the British
forces, decided to strike a bold blow for
victory. They sent against the intruding
vessels a great number of fire ships with the
intention of destroying them utterly by this
means. This coitp was even less successful
than Admiral Kwan's ill-starred attack. Most
of the fireships exploded prematurely, and
those which did not were easily sunken
before they could do any damage.
TWP:NTIETH century impressions of HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 49
CHAPTER VIII.
The First Chinese War — Expeditionary Force under Sir Gordon Bremer occupies Chusan — Operations in the
Canton River — Sir Hugh Cough assumes Command — Submission of the Chinese — Temporary Resumption of
Trade — Renewed Outbreak of Hostilities — Canton at the Mercy of the Expeditionary Force — Arrangement of
Terms with the Chinese — Arrival of Sir Henry Pottinger as Sole Plenipotentiary — Continuance of the War-
Occupation of Amoy — Attacks on Chinhai and Ningpo — Attack on Shanghai — Expedition in the Yangtse Valley
— Conclusion of Peace — The Treaty of Nanking.
It had now become perfeclly clear that the
situation had got beyond the reach of
diplomatic action. To the force used by the
Chinese force must be opposed if British
prestige was not to be irretrievably com-
promised. In the Queen's speech at the
opening of the Parliamentary Session in 1840
reference was made to the strained character
of the relations between the British and the
Chinese in the Far East, and later it was
known that an expedition was in preparation,
as Lord John Russell explained on tjehalf of
the Government, to obtain reparation for
insults and injuries offered to British subjects,
to secure for British merchants in China
indemnification for the loss of their property
incurred by threats of violence, and " to
obtain a certain security that persons and
property in future trading with China shall
be protected from insult or injury and that
their trade and commerce be maintained
upon a proper footing." The expeditionary
force, whicli was mainly drawn from India,
consisted of fifteen ships of war, four steam
vessels, and twenly-five transports with four
thousand troops on board, tjnder the com-
mand of Sir Gordon Bremer it arrived off
the mouth of the Canton River in June, 1840.
Lin, so far from being intimidated by this
display of power, was only stimulated by it
to more outrageous acts. He issued edicts
offering rewards proportioned to the rank of
the victims for the killing or capture of
individual Britishers, and holding out tempt-
ing promises to those who would prove bold
enough to seize a ship. Inspired by the
proclamations, some of the more daring
Chinese did capture a number of British
subjects, who were handed over to the
authorities and carted about the country in
cages as proofs of the valour of the all-
conquering Chinese. Amongst the number
of these unfortunates was a female who it
was at first proposed should be dressed up
in rich clothes and represented as a sister
of the late Queen Victoria. This design was
not carried out as it was thought that even
the confiding Chinese would not accept quite
such an audacious lie, but the wretched
woman nevertheless was subjected to the
indignity of public exposure in a cage on
the ground of her influential status.
Sir Gordon Bremer instead of carrying the
war directly into the enemies' country — the
particular enemy of the moment being Lin
installed in arrogant plenitude of power at
Canton — went with his expeditionary force
northwards to the beautiful island of Chusan,
which he occupied without difficulty on the 5th
of July. The island made an admirable depot
for the British force, and from this point of
view there was no doubt a great deal to be
said for its occupation. But the need of the
moment was for vigorous action in the
vicinity of Canton, and tlie fact that such was
not undertaken led to misconception on the
part of the Chinese and undoubtedly stiffened
their opposition to all demands. The idea of
Sir Gordon Bremer seems to have been to
open up communication with the aulliorities
at Peking at the earliest possible moment,
the assumption being that if this could be
done a settlement might be made over Lin's
head. In furtherance of this idea Her
Majesty's ship Blonde was despatched to
October the fleet was back at Chusan. While
the bulk of the force had been engaged in
this barren attempt to force the front door
of the Chinese Empire, another section of
the fleet had been carrying on active hos-
tilities against the Chinese forces encamped
outside Macao. The trouble arose owing to
the capture and removal to Canton of Mr.
CAPTURE OF TING-HAI, CHUSAN.
(l''roni Allom & Wright's "Chin;i.")
Amoy, but on a boat being sent ashore with
a flag of truce it was fired on by the Chinese
and the inmates narrowly escaped dealh. A
similar contretemps attended a further effort
to open communications at Ningpo. Nor
did a better fate attend an elaborately
prepared effort, conducted uirder the cover
of an imposing naval force, to open up nego-
tiations t^y way of the Peiho River. The
squadron arrived off Taku on the gth of
August, and Captain Elliot proceeded by
steamer to Tientsin. There he entered into
negotiation with Keshen, the Viceroy of the
province, who had just been appointed
Imperial High Commissioner. Keshen was
a wily diplomat, who proved more than a
match for the straightforward and too
confiding British official by whom he was
confronted. The great object of the Chinese
was to get the British fleet out of the Peiho
at all cost. To this end Keshen beguiled
Captain Elliot with visions of a possible
settlement if only the negotiations were
directed from Canton. The British nego-
tiator fell into the trap, and by the end of
Vincent Stanton, a British subject. As no
reply was made to repeated demands for
the release of this gentleman, it was decided
to attack the Chinese camp. The business was
carried through in a workmanlike manner by
Her Majesty's ships Hyaciiilli atid I.artie.
After a destructive bomtiardment of the forts
and war junks, a force of four hundred
l>luejackets was landed and the camp was
rushed. There were very few casualties on
the British side, and the Chinese fled too
precipitately to lose heavily. There was,
iiowever, a considerable capture of guns and
the demolished forts constituted a satisfactory
outward and visible sign of British prowess.
The return of the fleet southward was
followed by a period of inaction. Lin had
fallen under the imperial ban and been
replaced by Keshen at Canton, and Mr.
Vincent Stanton had been released, but other-
wise the position was unchanged. All
attempts made to secure an arrangement
proved abortive. Keshen substituted for the
truculence of Lin an evasiveness which was
about as irritating, and as far as the end
50 TAVENTIETH CENTURY niPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
icMjght— the disconifitinK of the barbarian— foreign factories and Fort Napier. A pro-
quite as effecti\-e. The patience of the clamation was issued on the 6th of March to
British representatives was at length ex- the people of Canton promising to spare the
hansted. Towards the end of 1S40 it was city from bombardment if the Chinese authori-
recognised that the only way to bring the ties refrained from offering opposition to the
BRITISH ENCAMPMENT ON CHUSAN.
(From Allom & WriiJht's "China.")
Chinese to reason was to give a practical
demonstration of British power in a quarter
where the weight of the blow would be
felt. On January 7, 1841, operations were
opened by an attack on the Bogue (oris. The
outer forts of Chuenpee and Tae-cok-tow
were reduced without difficulty, and the rest
would have followed had not Captain Elliot,
with strange disregard of the teachings of
Chinese warfare, accepted overtures for a
truce. The cessation of hostilities was
followed by numerous excesses on the part
of the Chinese. Edicts were issued by the
Canton authorities putting a price upon the
txKiies of Englishmen dead or alive ; generally
it was made manifest that peaceful measures
would not meet the exigencies of the situation.
The British held their hand until an oppor-
tunity had been afforded for the Chinese to
ratify the conditions of peace which Keshen
had provisionally accepted ; and which in-
cluded a large indemnity, the cession of
Hongkong, and direct official intercourse be-
tween the two Governments. But when it
became evident that there was no intention
on the part of the Chinese Government to
confirm the arrangement, the attack on the
Bogue forts was resumed. On the 26th of
February the ass;iult was commenced, and by
the 1st of March the whole of the forts were
in our hands. Admiral Kwan and a host of
Chinese fell in the bombardment and the
satisequent assault, and a vast quantity of
guns and war munitions weie captured. The
British losses were trivial owing to the
excellent dispositions made and the cowardice
displayed by the Chinese garrison. On the 2nd
of March Sir Hugh (afterwards Ixird) Gough,
who had been sent out from England to take.
over the command of the land force?, arrived.
At this time Canton was practically at Ihe
mercy of Ihe British fleet, but yielding to the
urgent entreaties of Ihe lfjc;il officials hostilities
were suspended, the British commander con-
tenting himself with the occupation of Ihe
invading force. Meanwhile, a decree arrived
from the Emperor ordering Keshen's return
to Peking to suffer Ihe extreme penalty of the
law. He was subsequently tried and con-
demned to de.il h, but by an act of special
favour the sentence was commuted, and he
leading local officials to Captain Elliot
appeared to offer a hope of an .inielioration
of the diplomatic situation. Hut it soon be-
came evident that the successes of the British,
so far from bringing conviclion of the
necessity of the acceptance of the demands
made had only increased the Emperor Taouk-
wang's determination to drive the hated
foreigner out of his dominions. The ofticials
who had waited on Captain Elliot acted, it
was found, without any authority whatever
from Peking. The real power was vested
in three commissioners and a governor
who had been specially cliarged by the
Emperor to inquire into the position of affairs
more with a view to the concocting of
measures for the driving out of the liiitish
than the satisfaction of their claims. It was
not long before the British discovered the
true position of affairs. Their suspicions
were aroused when they found that the new
commissioners held studiously aloof from
them ; and as Ihe days wore on they had
reason for serious apprehensions in the fact
that ominous preparations were being made
all round them obviously with the design of
re-commencing hostilities. Captain Elliot's
eyes were completely opened on the nth of
May when he paid what was intended to be
a friendly visit to the forefeet of Canton.
His discourteous reception on that occasion,
and the evidences wliich confronted him on all
sides of military arrangements, so impressed
him that he proceeded forthwith to Hongkong
to concert measures with Sir Hugh Gougli to
meet the crisis which he felt certain was
impending. The storm burst on the night
of May 2 1st, When darkness had set in
batteries which had been erected on the river
banks by the Chinese opened fire on the
factories and the ships, and simultaneously
fire rafts were sent in amongst the latter
with the hope and intention of destroying
them. The British, who were prepared for
attack, had no difticulty in frustrating the
ATTACK AND CAPTURE OF
(Krom Allom & W
was banished to Tibet, where he resumed
his official career as resident at Lhassa.
Commercial relations were now resumed
at Canton with eagerness on both sides,
and some visits of ceremony paid by
CHUENPEE, NEAR CANTON,
'rijjhl's "Cliiiia.")
designs of the enemy. One ship — the Nemesis
— burned upwards of sixty of the fire rafts,
and some smaller war vessels effectually
disposed of the batteries. All the available
troops were now called up from Hongkong,
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 51
and on Ihcir anival at Canton on the 24tli
of May operations ajjainst the city commenced
in earnest. The landinj; of the troops from
Ihe transports took place on the evening of
that day, and it says much for the military
incapacity of the Chinese that 2,500 men
were conveyed to the shore in absolute
safety. On the 25th of May the force moved
out in two columns on the positions which
the Chinese had taken up on the hills above
the city. The troops were subjected to a
galling fire from the walls of the cily as
Ihey marched forward, but they kept steadily
on, their advance being covered by Ihe
artillery. When the British came within
about rifle range of Ihe four principal forts
HUGH GOUGH, FIRST VISCOUNT
GOUGH, K.P., G.O.B.
(From a print in the Britisli Museum.)
which were the special object of attack the
Chinese evacuated a greater part of the
position. Only in one fort was anything
like a fight made, and there the resistance
was easily overcome when the British tars
to whom the capture of the fort was entrusted
came to close quarters with the defenders.
After the occupation of the inain defences,
Sir Hugh Gough, who personally superin-
tended Ihe operations, gave his attention to
the outlying positions. These were soon in
our possession, and when night fell the battle
was coinplctely won, the British losses
amounting only to seventy killed and wounded.
Canton was now coinplelely at Ihe mercy of
the British, and inilitary policy as well as
political expediency suggested Ihe advis-
ability of bombardment as a ineans of
bringing the Chinese Government to reason
as well as of conveying a lesson to Ihe local
officials that treachery did not pay. But on
Ihe inorning of the 27th of May just as the
gunners stood with their guns loaded and
primed ready for firing the shots which
would seal the doom of the city, a special
messenger arrived from Captain Elliot with
Ihe intimation that he had come to terms with
Ihe eneiny. The conditions that he had made
were that the imperial coimnissioners and
all the troops should within six days with-
draw to a position not less than 60 miles
from the cily, and that an indemnity of six
million dollars should be paid " for the use
of Ihe English Crown." Strong dissatisfaction
was expressed by the military at this arrange-
ment, which they regarded as affording
another example of Captain B-lliot's inca-
pacity to deal with the Chinese in the
manner which their peculiar characteristics
demanded. But the bombardment would
have been a terrible business and would have
resulted in immense loss to the very classes
of Chinese who were most friendly to
foreigners. In the circumstances the decision
arrived at had many supporters at Ihe time and
it was even justified on military grounds, Ihe
smallness of the British force being urged as a
sound reason for not perpetrating an act which
would have given the whole country over to
anarchy. As things were. Canton during
this period was Ihe scene of the inost ferocious
conflicts between Ihe citizens and the lawless
soldiery from outside, who occupied them-
selves after the fighting in which they had
played so poor a part in plundering their
fellow countrymen. It was stated that in one
conflict alone between the factions over a
thousand lives were lost. Wise or unwise,
the arrangement met with prompt ratifica-
tion at the hands of the Chinese. Within
four days five millions of the indemnity was
paid, and though Sir Hugh Gough had to
resort to a threat of bombardment to secure
the withdrawal of the troops as stipulated,
Ihe entire conditions were ultimately satis-
factorily fulfilled, and Ihe British forces were
withdrawn. The generosity shown to Ihe
C.mtonese was ill requited by tliese turbulent
and fanatical people. After the departure of
the troops there were repeated outrages on
foreigners traceable to sheer vindictiveness.
Though business was resuined it was con-
ducted as it were under the shadow of the
sword. In point of fact no one regarded
the Canton Convention as anything more
than a temporary provision — a truce and not
a peace.
A new turn was given to affairs by the
arrival in the Macao Roads on August 10,
1841, of Sir Henry Potlinger, armed with
full powers as sole Plenipotentiary to the
Court of Peking. This officer found on
his ai rival increasing dissatisfaction at the
conduct of the Chinese. Insulting edicts
continued to be issued, there was gross ill-
treatment of a number of prisoners who were
still retained in Ihe hands of Ihe Mandarins,
and tile authorities, in defiance of the con-
vention, were busily engaged in re-erecting
the river defences. Sir Henry Potlinger was
not the man to allow a situation to be com-
promised by lack of energy. He had had
long training in Oriental methods in that
best of all schools — the Indian Govenunent
THE RIGHT HON. SIR HENRY
POTTINGER, BART., G.C.B.
(From .1 print in tlie British Museum.)
— and he knew that decisiveness was an
indispensable quality in dealing with Easterns.
His first step, after he had made himself
acquainted with Ihe position, was to give a
clear intimation to Ihe Chinese authorities
that they inust either accede to Ihe British
demands or take Ihe consequences. The
requireinenis he made were that Ihe opium
destroyed by Lin should be paid for, and
that certain ports in addition to Canton
should be opened to British trade. To enforce
his demands he despatched an expedition to
Amoy, Ihe famous trade centre which figures
ESTUARY OF THE TAHEA OR NINGPO RIVER.
(From an eiij*ravinj^.)
52 TWENTIETH CEXTUKY I3IPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
aa conspicuously in Ihe earlier chapters of
this work. The squadron detailed for this
work arrived off the port on Aujjust 2bH\.
Immediately after they had drop|->cd anchor
a boat cainc from shore with an inquiry
on the summit of which is the citadel, a
highly imix)rtant defensive position, sur-
rounded by a strong wall supplied with
massive gates. On two sides the citadel is
inaccessible excepting at one point where a
CITT OF NINGPO
(From Allcm &
from the leading ^fandarin as fo the reason
for the visit of so many ships, and a request
that the cxjmmander should specify the com-
modities he wanted. The childlike curiosity
of the functionary was satisfied with a verbal
statement to the effect that Ihe fleet had not
come to trade ; while Sir Henry Pottinger,
in a letter addressed to the chief military
officer o( the province, explained that, differ-
ences having arisen between Great Britain
and China, it was essential that he should
have possession of the town, and requesting
its surrender to avoid bloodshed. No direct
response was made to Ihe letler, but that the
Chinese officials appreciated the character of
the crisis that had arisen was shown by the
energetic efforts they made to fortify every
available position. Finding that the Chinese
meant to light, the British Commander drew
his ships up in battle array and proceeded to
the attack. The repeated broadsides from the
ships made little impression upon the stone
wall defences which the Chinese had raised,
but a landing force consisting of about twelve
hundred troops soon put the defenders to rout.
Many of them were killed in their flight,
and not a few officers, overwhelmed with the
disgrace of defeat, committed suicide. The
town was entered by our troops, but was not
occupied for more than a few days. At the
expiration of that lime the occupying force
was withdrawn, and after posting a garrison
at Kulungsu, a small r(x.-ky island forming
part of the fortifications of the port. Sir
William Parker, the British commander, took
his fleet to Chusan, which was re-<x:cupied
after a brief struggle. The next point selected
for attack was Chinhai, a large and opulent
citv at the mouth of the Ningpo River.
Thither Sir Hugh Gough and Sir William
Parker, the joint commanders, proceeded,
together with Sir Henry Pottinger, who was
ready to take up the diplomatic threads as
soon as Ihe opportunity offered. The town
occupies a position at Ihe foot of a lofty hill,
FROM THE RIVER.
Wi-iuhfs ■■ Chin.!.")
narrow path winds from Ihe >ea, which
skirts the base of the hill. The town itself
is encircled by a wall about 37 feet in thick-
ness. It was a posilion of immense strength,
and defended by good troops would have
been well-iiigh impregnable. When the
British expedition reached Ihe town it found
every prominent point occupied by batteries
and the surrounding hills covered with
military encampments. Profiling by Ihe
experience at Amoy, the British commanders
decided not to waste any time on a prelimi-
nary bombardment. On the morning of the
loth of October two thousand men with
twelve field pieces and mortars were landed
to attack the citadel and cntreiiclied camp.
Sir Hugh Gou.yh without loss of time
divided his little force into three columns,
and, assuming ihe couunaiid of the centre
column, ordered the advance. The two Hank
columns, owing to the irregularities of the
ground, went forward unobserved from the
citadel, and the garrison, thinking they only
had to deal witli the small centre colunni,
went out boldly to meet them. Before the
engagement had barely commenced the Hank
columns opened Hre. So unexpected was the
attack that the Chinese broke and lied in all
direclions. In their fliyht hundreds were
shot and bayoneted and lunidreds of olhers
were drowned. To save useless slaughter,
Sir Hugh Gough sent out a Hag with an
inscription in Chinese informing the routed
troops that their lives would be spared if
they yielded, but not more than live hundred
availed themselves of the offer. Altogether
not fewer than fifteen hundred of the
Chinese fell in this one-sided engagement.
While this land encounter was proceeding
Ihe ships were engaged in bombarding the
town defences on the sea side and driving
the soldieis out of the town. The effect
of the combined operations was to convince
the Chinese commander, Yukien, that the
day was lost. In his despair he attempted
to drown himself, and, foiled in this effort,
he fled to the country, where he terminated
his existence in another manner. His
determination not to survive his discom-
fiture was in keeping with high Chinese
traditions, which regard suicide as a legitimate
means of escape from the dishonour of defeat.
It is not improbable, liowever, that a fear of
falling into the hands of Ihe British had
some influence in bringing about his decision,
for he had put himself beyond the pale by
his ferocious brutality towards two foreign
pri-soners who by his orders had been done
to death, one by Haying and the other by
burning alive.
As soon as the occupation of Chinhai had
been made effective, the British connnaiiders
turned their attention towards Ningpo, a
city of great counnercial importance 12 miles
away. The place fell williout opposition.
•
2l A
"
W:...^ ,^
m^L
..
.1
[' -^,^SM
CLOSE OF THE ATTACK ON SHAPOO THE SUBURBS ON FIRE.
(From Allom & Wright's "China.")
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 53
Indeed, the inhabitants were so anxious to
avoid giving offence that they helped the
British soldiers to scale the walls, and when
the troops entered the streets they found
painted on the doors of the houses the words
Slinii mill, meaning "submissive people."
Ningpo offered such advantages that Sir
Hugli Gough determined to occupy it as the
winter quarters of his troops. The people
continued to be friendly and there was no
difficulty in obtaining supplies for the large
and ever increasing British force. But that
the townsmen were not quite happy in the
presence of their foreign visitors was shown
by a paper which one day was thrown over
the wall addressed to the British. This
document adduced many arguments to show
how much belter it would be for the invaders
if they would only return home, and wound
up with this curious appeal : " You have been
away from your country long enough ; your
mothers and sisters must be longing for
your return. Go back to your families, for
we do not want you here."
The successive British victories ought to
have convinced the Emperor that the lime
had come for concessions, but Taoukwang's
obsti[iate determination to rid his country of
the detested foreigner was unshaken. At
his command extensive preparations were
made all over the empire for a renewal of
the struggle. Meanwhile, fresh edicts were
issued calling for the extermination of the
barbarians. In March, 1842, desperate efforts
were made to recover Chinhai and Ningpo.
The attacks were repulsed, but the Chinese
forces only retired to establish themselves at
a point about Ii miles out of Ningpo,
from which they endeavoured to cut off the
supplies to the British forces. Their encamp-
ment was promptly attacked and the imperial
forces were put to flight with the loss of six
hundred of their number. At about this time
heavy reinforcements of the British forces
arrived from India. Lord Ellenborough, the
new Governor-General, sent with them fresh
instructions which, subsequently adopted, had
a marked effect on the course of events.
Lord Ellenborough's view was that attacks
of positions along the coast were by them-
selves of little use, and that if the Chinese
authorities were to be brought to reason the
operations must be extended to the interior.
The Yangtse-Kiang, one of the noblest of the
world's great rivers, suggested the direction
in which the British forces should carry
anew the fiame of war. Evacuating the
positions at Ningpo and Chinhai the expedi-
tionary force, on the 7th of May, sailed
northwards. The plan of campaign was to
proceed to Nanking and capture that city as
a prelude to an advance on Peking, in the
event of the Emperor declining to come to
terms. Before, however, the objective could
be reached it was necessary to reduce several
places cii route. The first of these was
bhapoo, the authorised port and landing-place
for vessels coming from Japan. Extensive
measures of defence had been taken here,
and it seemed that the struggle would be a
severe one, but under Sir Hugh Gough's
able direction a landing force of two
thousand men made a completely successful
attack on the defending force, driving them
from their positions and scattering them in
all directions. One body of desperate men,
three hundred in number, took refuge in a
temple, and under the mistaken idea that
they would be given no quarter if they sur-
rendered fought determinedly until they had
all been killed but forty. This remnant of
the gallant b.ind finally surrendered, and
after a period of detention were sent home
to their families. In the town, the women
of the men who were killed in the temple,
fearing that if caught they would be subjected
to a life of perpetual slavery, threw their
infants into the tanks and wells and jumped
in after them. Many of the poor creatures
were rescued by the British troops, but there
were melancholy evidences all around that
The arrangements for the attack, however,
were so skilfully made by the naval com-
mander that the shore batteries were soon
silenced, and a landing was effected on June
i6th without serious loss. Subsequently the
troops advanced to the important native city
of Shanghai which was taken after a slight
LIEUT.-GBNERAL LOKD SALTOUN.
(From a print after Sir T. I-a\vieiicc in the Print Koom, British Museum.)
the loss of life from this cause alone was
very great.
Leaving Shapoo with its bitter memories
of disaster behind, the expedition proceeded
to Woosung, the port of Shanghai. Strong
batteries guarded the approach to the port,
and the intricacy of the channel presented
serious difficulties to the invading force.
resistance. The place was occupied only to
be evacuated. The more important work in
hand claiined the service of the troops and
they marched back to Woosung and were
re-embarked. Not inany days later the fleet
entered the Yangtse-Kiang— " the child of
the ocean." As the imposing flotilla passed
up the, great waterway the Chinese flocked
54 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG,
SHANGHAI, ETC.
in crowds lo the shore to gaze on the
then novel spectacle of steamers progressing
against tlie current. On the joth of July the
Beet diopix-d anchor off Chinkiang-foo, a
striHigly fiMlitied town, which, havinj; rejpird
August the fleet arrived off the city, which
is one of the most important commercial
centres in the Empire. The place was
garrisoned by fourteen thousand troops, and
there were expectations of another san-
.//, t, /.-i //.///, .7,/,;/ ,/ '/-,///'•. Y r.
^ A/. 1 f'
. /{ft/zA^/t /, //if/f^ /// .)■'<•'*
(From an old drawing in the M.-inuscript lioom at the British Museum.)
lo its commanding position at the entrance
to the river, is looked upon as one of the keys
of the empire. A strong Tartar garrison
held the town, and the hills above the river
were covered with encampments of Chinese
troops. After a careful recomiaissancc it was
decided lo attack the two sections of
the opposing Chinese forces simultaneously.
The work of dealing with the hill encamp-
ments was entrusted to a brigade under
Lord Saltoun, and the assault on the town
was conducted by the remaining troops
under Sir Hugh Gough's personal command.
Ix>rd Saltoun's force met with very little
resistance, the bulk of the Chinese fleeing
immediately they observed the British force
approaching. In the town greater resistance
was offered by the sturdier Manchu soldiery,
who sold their lives dearly in street fighting
which, with the severe heat of the day,
severely tried our troops. Only as the day
closed was the position completely occupied,
and by that time our men were so exhausted
by their exertions that they were unable to
push home their viciory. The defenders on
their part scorned in many instances to
take to flight. They salved their wounded
honour by self destrudion. The method of
the brave Tartar general's exit from the
world was characteristic. When he found
that the battle had gone against him he
retired to his house, and taking his seat in
his favourite arm chair ordered his servants
lo fire the building. The next day his body
was found much burned, but retaining the
sitting posture in which he had placed him-
self. The British dropped a sympathetic
tear over their g.illani enemy, whose defence
they had reason to retnembcr, for their losses
here were greater than in any engagement
during the war. After a fortnight's interval
to rest and reiTuit the troops, the advance
on Nanking was resumed. On the sth of
guiiiary battle wlien the ships hove in sight
of the far-spreading quarters of the great
centre of Chinese power and caught a
glimpse of the picturesque outlines of the
was about to deliver its attack, letters ar-
rived for the British commander informing
him that three imperial delegates were on
their way for the purpose of negotiating a
peace. Confirmation of tlie satisfactory news
was forthcoming shortly .afterwards in the
arrival of the members of the mission.
They were men of high distinction in the
empire. Elepoo, the head, was a former
governor of Chekeang ; Keying, the second,
was an uncle of the Emperor ; while the
third delegate, Niti Kieu, was Viceroy of the
Two Kiang. There was a protracted dis-
cussion of the preliminaries of peace, in
which Sir Henry Pottinger took up a very
firm attitude. The Emperor found it hard
to swallow the bitter pill offered him, but
eventually he was reluctantly persuaded by
irrefragable arguments to assent to an
arrangement on the lines set out by the
British Plenipotentiary. The demands which
were subsequently incorporated in the Treaty
of Nanking, were certainly of a character to
cause not a little misgiving and even con-
sternation in the imperial circle. They
were the payment of an indemnity of
$21,000,000; the opening of the five ports of
Canton, Amoy, Koochow, Shanghai, and
Niiigpo to British trade, with right of ap-
pointing consuls to reside in them ; the
cession of Hongkong ; the estahlislunent of
regular tariffs of import and export dtjties ;
the unconditional release of all British sub-
jects detained as prisoners ; and the granting
of a free pardon by the Emperor to all
those of his own subjects who had incurred
penalties by holding intercourse with the
British officers. On the 20th of August the
delegates paid a formal visit to the Com-
ti'iillis, the admiral's flagship, to discuss the
terms of peace. They were received with
every mark of courtesy, but in order that
they might be left in no doubt as to the
intentions of the British in the event of the
failure of tlie negotiations they were con-
NANKIN& FROM THE
(From Allom & W
historic Porcelain Tower which was then
a dominating feature of the landscape.
Happily, however, these expectations were
not realised. Just as the expeditionary force
PORCELAIN TOWER.
ri(!ht's "China,")
fronted with an iinposing display of force,
both naval and military. The interview
passed off very satisfactorily, and there was
a spirit of equal harmony manifested on the
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 55
26tli of Auj^ust when Sir Henry Pottinycr
returned the commissioners' visit and re-
newed asliore the negotiations whicli had
opened so auspiciously on board tlie Corii-
wnllis. Three days later the signatures weie
appended to the Treaty on the Coriiwullis.
The three commissioners first signed and
then Sir Henry Pottinger inscribed his name.
The running up of the flags of Great Britain
and China on the mast of the Conncallis,
and the firing of a salute of tvventy-one guns,
announced to the outer world the comple-
tion of this most important diplomatic act.
Immediately after the signature of the Treaty
the ships began to leave the river, and on
the payment of the first instalment of the
indemnity, the troops were withdrawn from
Chusan. By the end of Octolier the expedi-
tionary force had been broken up, the
various units having returned to their several
stations with the exception of a body of
seventeen hundred troops which was left to
garrison Hongkong. Several unfortunate in-
cidents occurring shortly after the signature
Keying, the Chinese commissioner, who had
conducted the elaborate negotiations with
Sir Henry Pottinger, that henceforth trade
at the five ports named in the Treaty was
open to "the men from afar" without dis-
tinction, and the hope was expressed that
"the weapons of war being tor ever laid
aside, joy and profit shall be the perpetual
lot of all." There was one important
omission in the settlement which was thus
completed. No reference whatever was
made in the Commercial Treaty to the
opium trade. Sir Henry Pottinger had
striven to obtain from the Chinese Govern-
ment the legalisation of the traffic, but the
Peking authorities had steadily declined to
entertain any proposal of the kind, and
failing this the British Plenipotentiary
deemed it advisable to leave the matter
unsettled. It was an unfortunate decision
as it supplied an opening for fresh trouble,
and trouble was not slow in coming.
Almost before the ink was dry on the
official proclamations announcing the corn-
measures to prevent the importation of the
drug.
With all its imperfections the Treaty of
Nanking was an instrument of enormous
importance to the commercial interests not
of Gieat Britain alone but of the civilised
world. It ushered in a new era of trade —
an era fraught with great possibilities for
the West and the East alike. No longer
were merchants transacting business in
China at the mercy of a corrupt and
capricious officialdom, carrying on their
transactions in daily and almost hourly
dread of a crisis which would inflict
disastrous injury upon their interests.
Thanks to British pertinacity, reinforced by
the cordial good will and moral support of
the United States and France, the com-
mercial relations of China with the outer
world were regulaiised, and an assured and
protected position was given to the foreign
connnercial community at the five Treaty
ports. These had been selected with an eye
to the establishment of the new trading con-
THE SIGNING AND SEALING OF THE TREATY OF NANKING, 1842, BY THE BRITISH AND CHINESE PLENIPOTENTIARIES -
SIR HENRY POTTINGER, BART., AND HIGH COMMISSIONERS KEYING AND ELEPOO-
ON BOARD HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SHIP " CORNWALLIS."
of the Treaty imperilled for a time the
peace which had been concluded. In one
case the authorities in Formosa massacred
the shipwrecked crews of two vessels
mamied mainly by British-Indian subjects.
Shortly afterwards a Cantonese mob made
an attack on the British factory, plundering
it and setting it on fire. In both instances
the Chinese Goverimient showed a very
commendable spirit in punishing the offen-
ders, and the episodes were overlooked.
But the arrangements consequential upon
the Treaty dragged somewhat, and it was
not until June 4, 1843, that the ratifications
of the Treaty were exchanged at Hongkong,
while six weeks further elapsed before Sir
Henry Pottinger found himself in a position
to issue a proclamation announcing that he
had signed the arrangements for the conduct
of trade which were the moat important
provisions of the Treaty. Simultaneously
with the publication of the British proclama-
tion a formal announcement was made by
pletion of the Treaty arrangements an acute
controversy arose as to whether opium was
admissible under the Treaty or not. The
mercantile class held that it could be im-
ported under the final clause of the tariff,
whicli provided that all articles not expressly
named should be admitted at aii nd vnlorcm
duty of 5 per cent., but this view was
promptly repudiated by Sir Henry Pottinger,
who issued an official intimation declaring
in emphatic terms that such a construction
was untenable as " the traffic in opium was
illegal and contraband by the laws and
imperial edicts of China." The position
taken up by the British authority was
severely criticised, and it undoubtedly ten-
ded to produce an unpleasant impression
not only amongst the British traders, but
in Chinese official quarters where there
was a failure to comprehend the logic
and equity of a policy which admitted
the illegality of the opium trade as far as
China was concerned, and yet took no
ditions on the broadest foundations. Instead
of being confined to one corner of the
empire trade had now openings in five
distinct quarters, each of considerable
importance. Canton gave access to the
great markets of Southern China ; Amoy
was an historic commercial centre with
important connections with an extended
populous area in the province of Fokien ;
P'oochow, the capital of the province of
Fokien, and that seated on the Min, one of
the great rivers of China, was well placed
for the tea industry ; and Shanghai was a
centre from which the vast Yangtse trade
could be tapped. The openings thus afforded
were calculated to extend enormously the
operations of foreign trade provided only that
the Chinese Government had accepted the
new situation in good faith. Unfortunately
it had not done so, and many years were to
pass away before the advantages wrung from
the Chinese by Sir Hugh Gough's gallant
force reached anything like their full fruition.
56 TWEXTIETH CENTTTRY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
TTie Acquisition of
Free Port— Dark Da
CHAPTER IX.
'•ing — Elarly History of the Island — The building of Victoria — Hongkong declared a
R. M. Martin's Scathing Denunciations of the Colony — The Select Committee of
1847 and Hongkong.
From llic exclusively British standpoint the
great central fact of tlie Nankin;; Treaty was
the fonnal cession of Honj^konf*. The acqui-
sition of this island gave Great Britain what
no <ither Western nation, save the Portuguese,
had in China, a national //V*/ <i tcrrc — a
station which would supply a tallying centre
for her trade, and a strategic point for her
navy. The desirability of forming a settle-
ment of this kind had long been contemplated.
The (KX'up.tlion of an island off the coast
was, as we have seen in the earlier chapters,
suggested by Chinese traders as a means of
overcoming the difficulties which in the
eighteenth century attended the conduct of
the trade. Coming to later times. Sir George
Staunton, in speaking in the House of Commons
in 1833, expressed the view that when the
trade was thrown open, if it should prove
impracticable to give it the K-nclit of a
national connection emanating directly from
the Crown, it might become expedient to
withdraw it altogether from the control of
the Chinese authorities and establish it in
some insular position upon the Chinese coast.
In a general way the value of Hongkong
harbour as an anchorage had f>een recog-
nised for a great many years. In the eigh-
teenth century ships occisionally visited it,
attracted by the security of the position and
the admirable facilities offered for watering
sliips in the rivulet of purest water — the
" Heang Keang," or fragrant slieam — which
in old time was perhaps the most con-
spicuous natural feature of the island. These
cisual visits familiarised Briiish commanders
with the harbour, and during the prolr.icted
war with France at the end of the eighteenth
and the commencement of the nineteenth
century, it was frequently re.sorted to by
vessels of our squadrons. The place came
into special prominence on the occasion of
Lord Amherst's mission to the Peking Court
in 1816 17. The vessels conveying the
members of the mission, as has been already
noted, anchored in the harbour on their
arrival in China, and during their brief stay
a careful survey was made of the harbour
and island- the former by the na%'al authori-
ties and the latter by Dr. Charles Abel,
who accompanied the mission as medical
officer. When the mission returned to
England a glowing account was given of
the great natural advantages of the position.
"In all points, both of facility of egress
and ingress, and in its perfectly land-locked
situation, this harbour can hardly have a
superior in the world," wrote the olficial
historian of the mission. These words of
enthusiastic commendation bore no direct
fruit, perhaps because the failure of the
mission did not tend to encourage a policy
of exploitation. BuLwhen the opium troubles
occurred at Cantonjviongkong harbour be-
came the resort of all British shipping, and
ultimately (in 1837) a settlement was formed
on the rocky shore. And so when Captain
Klliot got into difficulties with the Canton
authorities in 1839, and found the officialism
of Macao to accord ill with the British
constitution, it was the most natural thing
in the world that he should withdraw
to Hongkong, which, though remote enough
to be flee from Chinese surveillance, was
sulTicicntly near Canton to allow of touch
tx;ing kept with the authorities. Probably at
lirst the idea was only to use the harbour
temporarily, but when Lin, by his violent
jMilicy, forced matters to an issue, the
formation of a permanent settlement became
a definite object of policy. During the
operations which cuhninatcd in the attack on
the Bogue forts in 1841, the island was only
used to a limited extent, Chusan then being
the principal base for the expedition ; but
as soon as Keshen had been compelled to
sue for peace in the early weeks of the
year, the cession of the island was made a
prominent condition of the settlement, and
on the terms put forward being conceded
by tlie Chinese Connnissioner, the troops
were removed from that place to Hongkong,
and its incorporation in the British Empire
was formally notified by Captain Elliot in a
proclamation dated January 29, 1841. The
act of taking possession occurred four days
earlier. It is thus noticed in Sir Edward
Belcher's "Voyage of H.M.S. Sulphur" : " We
landed on Monday the 25th January, l84t,
at fifteen minutes past eight a.m., and being the
botiii tide first possessors Her Majesty's health
was drunk witli three cheers on Possession
Mount. On the 26tli the squadron arrived ;
the marines were landed, the Union Jack
hoisted on our fort, and formal possession
taken of the island by Commodore Sir J. G.
Bremer, accompanied by the four officers of
the squadion, under a feu dc joic from the
marines and the royal salute from the
ships of war. On the Kowloong Peninsula
were situated two batteries, which nnght
have commanded the anchorage, but wliicli
appeared but thinly manned ; these received
due notice to withdraw their men and
guns as agreed by the late Treaty."
Nearly two years were to elapse before the
final notification of the Treaty of Nanking
placed the occupation of the island on a
thoroughly legal basis, but practically
January 26, 1841, marks the commencement
of the organised life of the settlement.
The important island which had thus
become British territory was formerly a part
of the Chinese district of Sin-ngan. It was
mainly owned by an ancient family of the
name of Tang, whose title deeds extended
back several centuries. The representatives
of this family had paid the land tax for the
island for two centuries prior to the occupa-
tion to the Chinese Government, and they
were recognised by the authorities as the
landlords. In the arrangements for the
transfer, however, no provision was made
for the rights of these proprietors, and
though a sum of eight or ten thousand
dollars was disbursed amongst the occupants
of certain fields, the members of the Tang
family do not appear to have benefited. Be-
fore the advent of the British the population
of the island was confined to a few thousand
souls who obtained a precarious living by
fishing or tilling the rocky soil. In 1837 the
site of the town of Victoria was a mere
rugged slope of rock shelving in most places
precipitously to the water's edge, with a
narrow pathway winding along the cliff to
which the fanciful name Kiin-Tai-Lu, or
Petticoat String Path, was given by the in-
habitants. To the eye the island was more
picturesque than pleasing. There was little
or no vegetation, and the only buildings
were a number of ramshackle habitations on
the shore constructed out of old junks. The
inhabitants were friendly, and they seemed
industrious, but there were strong grounds
for believing tliat they took a very free
hand in the piracy that at that time was
rife at the mouth of the Canton Kiver.
When Hongkong was formally occupied in
1841, in the circumstances described, tliere
was not a single European house in existence.
The buildings scattered about the foreshore
were either the quaint improvised huts just
referred to or houses of the usual native
type. As soon, however, as it became evident
tliat the British had come to stay a change
came over the aspect of affairs. On June
14, 1841, the first land sale* took place, 51
plots being sold at prices which, compared
with modern rales, appear ridiculously low.
Thereafter building operations were prose-
cuted with an energy born of the belief that
Victoria, as the new settlement had been
christened in honour of the Queen, was
destined to be no mean city. Dr. Eitel
states in his book on the authority of Mr.
W. Kawson that the first buildings erected
in Hongkong were the so-called Albany
Godowns (near Spring Gardens) of Lindsay
& Co. "Next rose up the buildings at East
Point, where jardine, Matheson & Co. estab-
lished themselves. Later on buildings were
erected in the Happy Valley and here and
there along the hillside as far as the present
centre of the town. While the military and
naval authorities commenced settling at West
Point, erecting cantonments on the hillside
(over the site of the present Reformatory and
later on above Fairlea) and large naval stores
(near the shore in the neighbourhood of the
present Gas Company's premises), the Happy
Valley was at first intended by British
merchants for the principal business centre.
However, the prejudices of the Chinese
merchants against the Fungshin (geomantic
aspects) of the Happy Valley and the
peculiarly malignant fever which emptied
• I^eferrinj* to tliis sale, Dr. Eitel says : Tlie purcliasers
of those lots who may be considered as the first IJritish
settlers in H<jn^koii'ji were the following* firms or
individuals, viz., Jard ne, Matheson & Co. ; tieerjeebhoy
Rustomjee ; Dent & Co. ; Macrica & Co. : Gcmmell & Co. ;
John Smith ; D. Kustomjee : Gribble, HutJhes & Co. ;
Lindsay & Co. ; Hooker & Lane ; Holliday & Co. ; F.
Leijihton & Co. ; Innes, Fletcher & Co. ; Jamieson & How :
F(»x, Kawson & Co. ; Turner & Co. ; iiobcrt Webster ;
\<. Gully : Charles Hart ; Captain Larkins ; 1'. F. Robertson ;
Captain Morgan : Dirom & Co. : I'estonjee Cowasjee,
and Franijee Janisetjee. This sale was followed by the
erection of godowns and houses, and the building of a
sea wall, the road alongside of which was thenceforth
(in imitation of Macao parlance) called the I'raya. 'I'he
following places were the first to be utilised for com-
mercial tmildings and private residences of merchants,
vij:,, West Point, the Happy Valley, Spring Gardens,
the neighbourhood of the present Naval Yard (Canton
Ilazaar), the sites now occupied by Uutterfield !k Swire,
the Hongkong Hotil, by the China Mail, the Hongkong
Dispensary, the slope below Wyndham Street, I*<»tlinger
Street, Queen's Road Central (the liazaar). etc.
EARLY VIEWS OF HONGKONG AND VICINITY.
I. Bamboo AyiKDi'CT. 2. Harbolk.
3. Houses ok Boats, Bay ok Kowloon. 4. Village, Bay ok Hoxukokg.
58 TWEXTIirrH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
every Earopwn house in that nciglibourhood
^most as soon as it was tenanted, caused
the business settlement to move gradually
westwards. Hill sites, freely exjxised to-
wards the si>uth-west and south-east, as well
as to the north, were soon discovered as
being le«s subject to the worst type of
malarial fever, and were accordingly studded
with frail European houses, mostly covered
at first with palm leaves. A number of
wooden houses were imported from Singa-
pore and erected on lower stories of brick
or stone. But at first the only substantial
buildings erected by private parties were a
house and godowns built at East Point by
order of Mr. A. Matheson, who foresaw the
permanency of the colony at a time when
most people doublet! it. The native stone-
masons, bricklayers, carpenters, and scaffold
builders, required for the construction of
roads and txirracks (by the Engineer Corps
of the Expedition) and for the erection of
mercantile buildings were immediately fol-
lowed by a considerable influx of Chinese
vided and a cemetery laid out. While this
infant Hongkong w.is growing up steps were
taken to perfect the olVicial organisation.
Captain Elliot continued to discharge tlie
duties of Chief Superintendent of Trade, and
he added to them those of c.v officio Governor
of the island. He appointed Captain Caine
Chief Magistrate, and Mr. Johnson was made
Deputy Superintendent of the Colony. On
the 1st of May appeared for the first time
the Goivriiiiiciit GnzclU; a weekly oriicial
publication which has continued to this day.
Its first number contained a warrant ap-
pointing Captain Caine, and, amongst other
notifications, rules for shipping frequenting
the port. The second issue gave a list of
the villages and hamlets on the island, from
which it appears that there were twenty
places oflicially recognised by the authoiities.
At the time of the ofticial occupation Chek-chu
was the most important of these places, and
Wong-nei-chung was the next. Hongkong
itself, a hamlet of only two hundred inliabi-
tants, stood third on the list. The relative
TOMBS AND VILLAGE BETWEEN THE BAYS OF HONGKONG
AND KOWLOON.
(From Borget's "Sketches of Cliina.")
provision dealers (who settled near the site
of the present central market, soon known
as the Bazaar), and by Chinese furniture
dealers, joiners, cibinet makers, and curio
shops, congregating opposite the present
naval yard, and along the present Queen's
Koad East, then known as the Canton Bazaar.
The day labourers settled down in huts at
Taipingshan, at Saiyingpan, and at Tsim-
shatsin. But the largest proportion of the
Chinese population were the so-called Tanka,
or boat people, the pariahs of South China,
whose intimate connection with the .social
life of the foreign merchants in the Canton
factories used to call forth an annual proc-
lamation on the part of the Cantonese
authorities warning foreigners against the
demoralising influences of these people."
To these interesting details may be added
the facts that the first official building to be
erected was the Court H<juse, which came
into existence within the first ye:ir of the
occupation, and that a gaol was also pro-
insignificance of the material inlerests existing
in the island when the British took posses-
sion may be gauged from the fact that only
250 acres of the entire area was under
cultivation.
By far the most important .step taken in
the second year of the occupation was the
issue of a proclamation by Sir H. Potlinger
declaring Hongkong a free port. The
experience gained at Singapore had no
doubt suggested the advisability of this step,
but even the most sanguine of those who
assisted in the founding of the Colony could
not have foreseen the remarkable results
which would follow from the adoption of
this policy. At the mo.st they probably only
hoped to establish an entrepot which, while
it would pay its own way would allow
trade to be conducted without interruption.
However, it was by no means all plain sail-
ing in the early days of tlie occupation.
Amongst the thousands of Chinese wiio
flocked across the channel from the main-
land as soon as the British flag was hoisted
was a large proportion of bad characters.
They came attmctcd by the hope of gain or
plunder, and they were so protected by
secret compact as to defy the ordinary regu-
lations of police for detection or prevention.
Tlie respectable shopkeepers who did
niigr.ate left the bulk of their property and
their families behind, and so, while working
in Hongkong, they were almost as much
under the control of the Mandarins as if
they were in China. These circumstances
all militated against the smooth conduct of
the administration in the infant days of the
settlement, and it did not tend to increase
confidence in the stability of the occupation
that in March of 1842 a despatch was
received from Sir Kobert Peel intimating
that Her Majesty's Government had not
decided upon the tenure upon which land
should be held in the island. Hut perhaps
the most unpleasant factor of the situation
of all was the unhealthiness of the island.
Disease was rife amongst the troops and the
mortality reached an alarming figure. The
outbreaks were attributable to some extent
to inadequate attention to sanitation, a not
unnatural result of the bringing together of
large bodies of people, the vast majority of
them possessing the most rudimentary ideas
of hygeia. But tlie trouble was chiefly due
to local causes which at the outset were
very imperfectly understood.
Hongkong beyond doubt acquired a terribly
bad reputation in its earliest years. When
the freshness of the occupation had worn off,
and when further the stream of Government
money which had flowed so generously at
the outset had been reduced to more modest
proportions, the inevitable reaction set in.
People who had been loud in their commen-
dations of the annexation now could not see
anything good in the settlement. The land
regulations caused great discontent, and there
was much grumbling at the revenue arrange-
ments, which, based as they were on a system
of licence fees on salt, opium, bhang, and
other articles in common use, were extremely
unpopular with the Chinese, and tended to
keep away respectable traders. These various
complaints found vent in the proceedings of
a House of Commons Select Commillee
which sat in 1847 to consider the question
of the Chinese Trade. Several leading
Hongkong merchants gave evidence testify-
ing to the highly unsatisfactory condition of
the settlement. One of the number stated
that most of the firms which had purchased
land originally were thinking of relinquishing
their premises and returning to Canton.
Another mercantile witness described the
Colony as in "a condition of extreme decay."
But the blackest picture of all was drawn by
an official — Mr. R. Montgomery Martin. This
gentleman, who filled the ollice of Colonial
Treasurer, seems to have conceived a per-
fectly insane hatred of the island. He
penned a report in which he piled up horror
upon horror and scandal upon scandal in
order to impress the home public with the
ruinous blunder that had been perpetrated
in the occupation. The document, which
was sent home in July, 1844, described the
formation of the island as of "rotten granite
strata," and said that the material excavated
in the course of building operations " ap-
peared like a richly prepared compost " ; it
emitted " a fcetid odour of the most sickening
nature, and at night must prove a deadly
poison." He likened the town to the bottom
of a crater, and stated that this formation
effectually prevented the dissipation of the
poisonous gases. The Chinese had ever
deemed Hongkong as injurious to health and
TWENTIETH CENTUEY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. o9
fatal to life. As for the Europeans, those
who survived a brief residence in the climate
" generally got a lassitude of frame and an
irritability of fibre which destroyed the
spring of existence." In the previous year
on the island. " The European inhabitants,
independent of those in the employ of
Government, consist of the members of about
12 mercantile houses and their dealers,
together with several European shopkeepers.
EABLY VIEW OP VICTORIA, HONGKONG— FROM A PAINTING BY PIQUA.
(1843), though the troops only numbered
1,526, the admissions to hospital reached the
high figure of 7,893. In other words, on an
average each man went through the hospital
more than five times. The total deaths were
440, or I in 3i. " Her Majesty's 98th Regi-
ment lost at Hong Kong in 21 months 257
men by disease. One half the men of a
company are frequently unable to attend the
parade ; out of 100 men there are sometimes
not more than five or six men fit for duty.
. . . General D'Aguliar (in command of the
troops) says that the maintenance of a
European garrison at Hong-Kong would cost
the Crown one regiment every three years."
While the deadly climate was creating this
havoc the commercial prospects of the island
were as bad as they could be. "There is
scarcely a firm in the island," continued
this very candid chronicler, " tint would, I
understand, be glad to get back half the
money they have expended in the colony
and retire from the place. A sort of halluci-
nation seems to have seized those who built
houses here ; they thought that Hong-Kong
would 'rapidly outrival Singapore and be-
come the Tyre or Carthage of the Eastern
hemisphere.' Unfortunately the Government
of the colony fostered the delusion respecting
the colony. The leading Government officers
bought land, built houses or bazaars which
they rented out at high rates, and the public
money was lavished in the most extraordinary
manner in building up and pulling down
temporary structures, making zig-zag bridle
paths over hills and mountains, and forming
the Queen's Road of three or four miles long
on which about 180,000 dollars have been
expended, but which is not passable for half
the year. The straggling settlement called
Victoria built along the Queen's Road was
dignified with the name of city, and it was
declared on the highest authority that Hong
Kong would contain a population 'equal to
that of ancient Rome.' " After three and a
half years' uninterrupted settlement there
was not one respectable Chinese inhabitant
A few persons have arrived here from New
South Wales to try and better their fortune,
many of whom would be glad to return
thither." p'inally Mr. Montgomery Martin
delivered himself of a confident declaration
that there did not appear to be " the slightest
probability under any circumstances that
Martin's survey undoubtedly as a whole pro-
duced upon the mind an overpowering im-
pression of the unsuitability of the choice
that had been made of a settlement. In
summing up their conclusions the Committee
made this reference to the subject : —
" From Hongkong we cannot be said to
have derived directly much commercial ad-
vantage, nor, indeed, does it seem to be
likely by its position to become the seat of
an extended commerce. It has no consider-
able population of its own to feed or clothe,
and has no right to expect to draw away the
established trade of the populous town and
province of Canton, to which it is adjacent.
From (he only trafiic for which it is fitted,
that of a depot for the neighbouring coasts,
it is in a great degree detiarred, except in
regard to the five ports, by treaties, which
stipulate distinctly for the observance of this
restriction. In addition, however, to these
natural and necessary disadvantages it appears
to have laboured under others created by a
system of monopolies and forms and petty
regulations, peculiarly unsuited to its position
and prejudicial to its progress."
By the time the Committee's report reached
China the condition of things which had led
to the expression of the unfavourable views
cited in the foregoing paragraph had passed
away. The period of reaction had spent
itself, and with the improvement of trade a
healthier spirit, both moral and physical,
pervaded the settlement. Sir John Davis, in
some observations upon the Committee's
report, penned on January 21, 1848, was able
to show how very inadequate a notion the
Committee had formed of the Colony's con-
dition and prospects. " The population, ex-
clusive of troops," he wrote, "has gradually
increased from less than 5,000 on its first
occupation in 1842 to 23,872. This popula-
tion, instead of consisting of mere vagabonds,
comprises in its number contractors for ex-
HONGKONG FROM KOWLOON SIXTY YEARS AGO.
(Krom Allom & Wrifiht's 'China.")
Hong-Kong will ever become a place of
trade."
It is not remarkable that the report of the
Select Committee was influenced by these
gloomy vaticinations. The facts were in
many instances uncontrovertible, and Mr.
pensive works, executed (by the testimony of
the engineer officers) as well as they would
be i[i England, and of numerous owners of
respectable shops, where almost any of the
productions of China can be obtained. Life
and property are now acknowledged to be
60 TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
•ecore. The revenue, with a sitijile tax upon
caoinieTcc, has progressively increased snue
my arrival from iQ,534 '» i^'Ji.O/S "> "*47 ;
and the civil ex|H.-nditure diminished from
;^66,ooo Jo i'50,()5g in the same year, of ihis
;^I5,i6q has been for public works incidental
lo a new colony, which beiiij; deducted from
the total charge for the year leaves ;t'35,790
for the fixed expenditure, being only i"4,7l2
beyond the reveime. The shipping return
for 1847 amounts to 229,465 tons for
European vessels, and for Chinese junks
840,9^0 piculs."
Alter the conclusion of the Treaty of
Nanking steps were taken by the Home
Government to organise a district Colonial
Government at Hongkong by transferring
the management of local affairs from the
Foreign Office to the Colonial Oflice. The
superintending of trade and the direction of
the new Consular service in China were,
howex-er, for the present combined with the
office of Governor and Commander-in-Chief
of the Colony. On this basis an Order in
Council was issued (January 4, tS43) eslab-
lishing in Hongkong the Court of Justice
with criminal and Admiralty jurisdiction,
which nominally had existed since the time
of I^rd Napier in Chinese waters under an
Order of the Privy Council of December 9,
1833. This court was now endowed with
jurisdiction over British subjects residing
within the Colony or on the mainland of
China or on the high seas within 100 miles
of the coast thereof. Three months later
(.\pril 5, 1843) the Privy Council issued
letters patent under the Great Seal of tlie
United Kingdom creating the settlement on
the island of Hongkong into a Crown
Colony by charter, and on the same day
a Koyal Warrant was issued under the
Queen's Signet and Sign Manual appointing
the Chief Superintendent of Trade, Sir Henry
Pottinger, Bait., K.C.B., as Governor and
Commander-in-Chief. When the ratitications
of the Nanking Treaty were exchanged on
June 26, 1843, between Sir Henry Pottinger
and the Cliinesc commissioners, who had
come to Hongkong for the purpose, the
Cliarter of Hongkong and the Koyal Warrant
were read out at Government House before
a large assembly of residents, and sub-
sequently published (June 29, 1843) by
proclamation in the Gazette. It is noted by
Dr. Eitel as an interesting fact that this
proclamation fixed the name of the settle-
ment as "the Colony of Hongkong (not
Hong Kong as previously used) and the
name of the city as Victoria."
The newly established Legislative Council
was somewhat late in getting to work, for
it was not until January II, 1844, that it
assembled. I5ut it fully atoned by its activity
when it did meet for any lack of expedition
there may have been in bringing it together.
In the lirst (our months of its existence it com-
piled, considered, and passed no fewer than
twelve colonial and five consular ordinances,
some of them of an important character.
CHAPTER X.
The Five Treaty Ports — Elarly History of Shanghai — Growing Trade of the Settlement — First Consular
Appointments — Difficulties at Foochow and Amoy.
We may leave the early history of Hongkong
at this point and turn to survey the five
ports thrown open to trade by the provisions
of the Treaty. Gmton, the oldest and at that
time most important seat of European trade
in Far Eastern seas, demands first notice.
Recalling the history of the place and the
in an emphatic way the feelings they enter-
tained on the subject. F'irst there was a
serious attack by a riotous mob on the
British factory, culminating in the plundering
and burning of the building. Afterwards
there was an active agitation set on foot
by the secret societies with the deliberate
SHANGHAI -AN EARLT VIEW FROM A PAINTING BY PIQUA, PRODUCED
SBOBTLT AFTER THE OPENING OP THE PORT TO FOREIGN TRADE.
unvarying hostility of the official classes to
trade, it is not a matter for surprise that the
concessions wrung from the Govermnent
under the Treaty gave intense m.ortification
to the ultra patriotic inhabitants of Ihis City
of Unrest. They were not slow in showing
aim of inflaming the populace against the
foreigners. An outcome of this movement
was the issue of incendiary proclamations
calling upon the inhabitants to wreak their
vengeance on the insolent barbarians. One
of these productions, which was approved
at a great public meeting held with the cog-
nisance if not the approval of the Mandarins,
after a reference to the grealness of the
empire, said : " But there is that vile English
nation ! its ruler is now a woman and then a
man, and then, perhaps, a woman again ; its
people are at one time like birds, and then
they are like wild beasts, with dispositions
more fierce and furious tlian the tiger or wolf
and hearts more greedy than the great snake
or the hog. These people have ever stealthily
devoured all the western barbarians and like
the demon of the night they now .suddenly
exalt themselves. During the reigns of the
Emperors Kien-lung and Kiaking these
English barbarians humbly besought an
entrance and permission to deliver tribute
and presents ; they afterwards presumptu-
ously asked to have Chusan ; but those divine
personages, clearly perceiving their traitorous
designs, gave them a peremptory refusal.
From that time, linking themselves with
traitorous Chinese traders, tliey liave carried
on a large trade and poisoned our brave
people with opium. Yes, the English bar-
barians murder all of us that they can ; they
are dogs wliose desires can never be satisfied ;
and, therefore, we need not inquire whether
the peace they have now made be real or
pretended. Let us all rise, arm, unite and
go against them. Yes, we here bind ourselves
to vengeance and express these our sincere
intentions in order to exhibit our high prin-
ciples and patriotism ! The gods from on
high clearly beliold us : let us not lose our
first and firm resolution !" A counter agitation
was attempted by a body of merchants and
others who plainly realised the folly of these
violent courses ; but this peace parly was small
in numbers and it was soon overwhelmed by
the spread of the spirit of fanaticism which
the emissaries of the secret societies had
so assiduously fanned. Outrages were of
common occurrence, and property became
far less secure than before the war. With
strange unwisdom the British Government
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 01
left the Canton ineicliants for considerable
periods without the protection of a single
man-of-war. On one occasion in July, 1844,
the British community owed their safety to
an American brig of war which, on a riot
occurring at the factory, promptly went to
their assistance from Whampoa. At another
period of emergency the situation was saved
by the accidental arrival of a Danish man-
of-war. Remonstrances were made by the
British Cantonese against the apparent lack
of consideration shown, but without much
effect. The mot d'oriiye at the time was to
do nothing to arouse Chinese resentment,
and so the little society of Britishers at
Canton were left for a period very much to
their own devices. That they could at a
pinch very well take care of themselves was
found it easier to ride the storm than to
direct it.
Happily the turbulent spirit so conspicu-
ously manifested at Canton found little or no
expression at other centres affected by the
Treaty. There were difiiculties, but they were
not of a serious character, and were over-
come by the exercise of tact and goodwill
on both sides. Next to Canton, Shanghai
was the port to which most importance
was attached by the mercantile community.
Though few at the time foresaw the great
position it was ultimately to reach, traders
were not slow to appreciate the splendid
facilities for the extension of trade in the
interior of China which the situation offered.
A brief summary of its history may be appro-
priately given here. Shanghai, or Shanghae,
Company's ship Lord Amherst, but with such
unsatisfactory results that when Sir James
Brabazon Urmston, president of the Company's
factory, in 1833 published his "Observations
on the China Trade and the importance of
removing fro;ii Canton," he made no reference
to Shanghai. It remained for Admiral Parker
and Sir Hugh Gough in their Yangtse cam-
paign of 1 84 1 to discover the advantages of
the situation. These officers were greatly
struck with the position of Shanghai in its
relation to the vast trade of the Yangtse, and
its inclusion amongst the ports to be opened
to British trade under the provisions of the
Treaty of Nanking followed almost as a
matter of course. When the ratifications of
the Treaty had been exchanged Captain
Balfour was sent as British Consul to establish
"5l*^l«j|^5jrei^
AN OLD CHINESE MAP OF THE SHANGHAI DISTRICT (1).
(From the Chinese Miscellany.)
AN OLD CHINESE MAP OF THE SHANGHAI DISTRICT (2).
(From the Chinese Miscellany.)
shown on July 8, 1846, when a vigorous
attack was made by the mob on the
factories. The merchants promptly stood to
their arins, and, by shooting down about
twenty of their assailants, carried terror into
the ranks of the attacking party and saved
the factory from destruction. But the policy
of allowing outrages to continue practically
without check was a mistaken one and bore
its inevitable fruit afterwards. The difticulty
no doubt was the weakness of the Chinese
authority at this period. The local govern-
ment was powerless against the wave of
anti-foreign sentiment which under the stimu-
lating influences of the secret societies was
sweeping the province. It probably would
have wished in its own interests to do nothing
to arouse British anger ; but in practice it
the foreign settlement and treaty port, is
included in the district of Shanghai in the
province of Keeang-so. For a long period
before the place attracted European notice it
was an important centre of trade. Native
vessels discharged here, and their cargoes
were taken inland to the great einporium of
Soochow, and were thence transhipped to the
interior by way of the Grand Canal. The
earliest British notice of the place is to be
found in a memorandum drawn up in 1756
by Mr. Frederick Pigou, one of the members
of the East India Company's service. At that
time the Company wei'e looking out for con-
venient outlets in the P'ar East for their trade,
and Mr. Pigou recommended this port as one
well deserving of attention. A good inany
years later the place was visited by the
the new settlement. " At this time," says a
well known writer, " the native city and its
suburbs lying on the W. bank of the river
were separated by an expanse of some two
miles of reedy marshland, partially cultivated
and sparingly built upon, froin a stream
running into the Hwang-fu from the East,
just at the point where the river makes an
abrupt curve to the Eastward. This streain,
known to foreigners as the Soochow Creek,
was adopted by the British Consul as the
boundary of the British Settlement which
extended Southward for three-fifths of a mile
to a narrow canal called the Yang-King-pang
running parallel to the Northern boundary
stream. The river formed the Eastern limit
of the Settlement, whilst inland no boundaries
were defined. A tract of land within the
62 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
dhow formed bv the junction of the Soochow
Creek with the Hwang-fu «-as leased as the
site of tlie British i.x>nsiilatc, whilst British
subjects generally were authorised to purchase
the buildings of native landowners within
the limits described ; but for several ensuing
Years there was little encouragement for
foreigners to establish themselves at this port
and the number of residents remained ex-
tremely small. As trade developed in later
\tars a French settlement was established
on the south side of the Yang-King-pang
Creek, stretching thence to the city walls,
whilst titer still, a consul was appointed by
the United States and a settlement planned
for I'nited Stxites citizens upon the bank of
the river cast of the Soochow Creek.
Several years elapsed, however, before the
expectations that had been formed of a
prosperous commerce at Shanghai were
fullilled. Foreign merchants were slow to
remove to so great a distance from their
establishments then centred at Canton and
Hongkong ; whilst the dull apathetic
character of the natives of the place dis-
such as the maintenance of a police force
and the formation of roads and trams, could
be voluntarily conducted by subscriptions
which the Consul for Great Britain was not
empowered to levy upon subjects of other
nationalities than his own, and a committee
of residents was elected by the votes of all
the renters of land, for the purpose of super-
intending the interests of the community in
respect of the above mentioned necessary
matters. From this germ has sprung the
complicjited system of municipal government
which now administers the internal affairs
of the vast and heterogeneous city into
which the British Settlement at Shanghai
has developed."
In the foregoing description we have an
admirable summary of the history of the
Treaty Port of Shanghai in its earliest days.
The successful and entirely harmonious estab-
lishment of the settlement was, as we have
indiaited, in a considerable measure due to
the cordial relations which existed between
the British and the Chinese authorities. The
Taoutai — the chief Mandarin — was a man
XHi. uOi^iuiiE AND PREPARATION OF TEA.
(From AUom & Wright's ■Chin.i")
qualified them from the bustle and energy
inseparable from European commerce. At
the end of the first year of its history as an
open port Shanghai could count only 23
foreign residents and families, the consular
flag, II merchants' houses and 2 Protestant
missionaries. Only 44 foreign vessels had
arrived during the same period."
"The fac-ilities which the port offered,
notwithstanding, for the growing trade in
silk gradually attracted more and more resi-
dents to the spot, and the marshy waste
ground along the t)ank of the river was
bought up at low prices from the Chinese
owners, on whose former holdings of reed
beds, paddy fields or garden patches, the
residences of large British firms were succes-
sively ereticd in a style of mingled solidity
and elegance which has almost entitled
Shanghai to contest with Calcutta the desig-
nation of the City of Palaces. The influx
of foreigners other than British within the
limits of territory officially assigned as the
British Settlement, led at an early date to
the necessity of devising some method by
which undertakings for the public good,
of honour and good feeling. He frequently
exchanged visits with Captain lialfour, and
his example was followed by the lesser
officials. The native population also were
very friendly. The British occupation of
1842 was conducted with such tact that It
left no resentment behind. Moreover, the
inhabitants were naturally of a more peace-
ful type than the turbulent Cantonese with
whom the foreign element had formerly
mainly had to deal. The only interruptions
to peace came from an occasional scrimmage
between Intoxicated foreign sailors and the
junkmen from Fokeen — a noisy and Irascible
class of native visitors who from Iheir readi-
ness to enter a quarrel were given the name
of the Irishmen of China. But these Incidents
were never allowed to interfere with the
general course of trade or to become a source
of bickering and strife between the British
representatives and the Chinese officials.
Mr. (afterwards Sir) Rutherford Alcock, who
succeeded Captain Balfour as consul, in a
report on the trade of Shanghai for 1847 — the
first of its kind issued — gave some extremely
interesting details relative to the growth of
the port. The shipping had increased by
one-fourth since the previous year, but It
was noted as a rather disquieting feature of
the trade operations that there was the
large balance of ;£54i,i43 In favour of the
Chinese. The total imports, however, reached
^'1,066,172 in value, and of these, goods
worth £^898,228, were brouglit out in British
vessels, chiefly sailing direct from England.
The export trade amounting in value to
;ti,5i7,29g was also mainly in British hands.
For example, of 15,863,482 lbs. of tea exported
no less than 13,313,519 lbs. went to Great
Britain. The United States stood next In the
order of importance In the trade returns.
More than a fifth of the total tonnage entering
the port sailed under the American Hag. The
development of the settlement showed even
more than the trade returns, the confidence
reposed by the mercantile community in
Shanghai's future. In the four years which
had elapsed since the opening of tlie port,
Mr. Alcock remarked, a little town had .sprung
up on the banks of Hwang-fu which presented
the appearance of a British colony rather
than the settlement of foreigners on Chinese
territory. " The residences of the principal
merchants extend a quarter of a mile along
the river front from the consulate site, and
backwards twice that distance, with gardens,
burial ground and racing ground intervening.
There are now located at Slianghai twenty-
four mercantile firms within the British limits
(three of which are American), and twenty-five
private residences have also been built on the
ground ; live shopkeepers' stores, an hotel
and clubhouse have all been erected within
the last year, showing a degree of prosperity
and activity which I trust each year will
make more apparent." Mr. Alcock further
mentioned that public jetties and roads had
been completed along tlie whole river front
and throughout the settlement by a committee
of residents appointed at a public meeting,
a church had in like manner been built with
assistance from Her Majesty's Government,
and a new burial ground had been procured
— further removed from the residences.
Finally, a beginning had been made of the
effective lighting of the port by the erection
of a beacon on the most dangerous part of
the shoal on the north bank of the Yangtse-
Kiang. A return appended to tliis interesting
report showed that at the time British subjects
held within the limits of the settlement 140
acres of land, which was purchased at an
average cost of ;^8s per acre. Upon the
sites thus acquired buildings had been erected
to the estimated value of ;^I3 1,836. Title
deeds were issued In January, 1847, for the
land thus disposed of. They were signed by
the Taoutai and the British Consul jointly,
and copies were placed in the Chinese and
British archives respectively for future
reference.
A reference must be made in dealing with
the establishment of Shanghai to the important
part that the tea and silk trade played in build-
ing up the early prosperity of the settlement.
In 1844 the export of the former amounted
to 1,558,453 lbs. The next year saw an
extraordinary advance to 9,338,422 lbs. In
1846, owing to a native bankruptcy which
dislocated business, a check was given to the
trade, but the export, nevertheless, amounted
to 10,073,578 lbs. Hy 1847 the consignments
of the commodity reached, as we have already
noted, the high 'figure of 13,313,599 'bs., or
about one-fourth of the total export of tea.
Such was the recognition of the splendid
facilities offered by the port for the trade
that native merchants at this time set up in
Shanghai premises for the preparation of
the leaf for export. Arrangements were also
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF
HONGKONG,
SHANGHAI, ETC.
,63
made for the sending out of European
agents to the tea districts to buy teas direct
from the growers — a remarkable innovation
on the additional methods of transacting
foreign business in China. As regards silk
constituted in every way an agreeable con-
trast to the ill-placed building at first set
apart for the Consulate. After the transfer
a better feeling appears to have arisen for a
time between the British and the Chinese
AMOY,
AS IT APPEARED SHORTLY AFTER THE OPENING OF THE PORT
TO FOREIGN TRADE.
striking results were also manifested in the
earliest returns of Shanghai trade. The
shipments increased from 5,087 bales in 1844
to 18,158 bales in 1847. The value of the
trade in 1847 was upwards of a million
pounds.
While Shanghai was developing apace in
the manner described, the new system
was making more moderate piogress at
other ports. Consular representatives were
appointed at an early date. Captain Balfour,
as has been stated, was sent to Shanghai ;
Mr. G. T. Lay was appointed to Canton ;
Mr. Henry Gribble to Amoy, and Mr. Robert
Thorn to Ningpo. The interpreters chosen
for the ports in the order given were
Mr. W. H. Medhurst, jun., Mr. Thomas
Meadows, Lieut, (afterwards Sir) Thomas
Wade, and Mr. Charles Sinclair. Mr. (after-
wards Sir) Harry S. Parkes was at the time
an assistant of the Rev. Charles Gutzlaff,
who filled the post of Chinese Secretary.
No appointment was made immediately to
Foochow. It was not, indeed, until the
latter part of 1844 that steps were taken to
introduce the Consular system there. The
duty was then entrusted to Mr. Lay, who as
an experienced official was well equipped
for what was realised would be a difficult
and delicate work owing to the fact that
the Emperor had only with the greatest
reluctance allowed Koochow to be included
in the list of Treaty ports. The anticipa-
tions of trouble were abundantly realised.
Mr. Lay, on landing, found the officials in-
disposed to grant him a suitable place for
residence, and he noticed symptoms of a
disposition to slight his authority. At the
outset he had to be content with a site in
the insalubrious vicinity of the river suburb.
But by tactful negotiations he was ultimately
able to acquire the lease for resident pur-
poses of a temple on an eminence known
as Black Stone Hill, overlooking the city.
This temple was beautifully situated amid
pleasant groves and terraced gardens and it
officials. Of their own accord the Mandarins
introduced into the contract for the execu-
tion of work at the temple to fit it for
residential purposes a clause prohibiting
work on Sunday, and in the same spirit.
character of head gardener, might be seen
eveiy day busily superintending the requisite
alterations and repairs. The Abbot, also, of
an adjoining Taouist temple, with a remark-
able absence of bigotry, for a small monthly
sum willingly admitted one of the oflicers
of the Consulate as a tenant of a portion of
the sacred building.* There was a tem-
porary break in these pleasant relations
towards the end of 1845, when a Consulate
interpreter was attacked and pelted with
stones as he was walking on the wall of
the city near the Manchu quarter. A grave
remonstrance was made to the authorities
in consequence of the incident, and the
threat was held out that if satisfaction was
not granted a man-of-war would be called
up to exact reparation. At the outlet the
Mandarins were disposed to treat the matter
lightly, but when they found that the Consul
was in earnest they caused six Tartars to
be arrested for the offence, and had three
of them bambooed while the other three
were treated to the degrading punishment
of the cangue for a month. The novel and
unprecedented event of a Manchu Tartar
wearing the cangue, from which mode of
punishment they had hitherto enjoyed a
prescriptive immunity, and the humiliating
announcement attached as usual to the
wooden plank of the crime for which they
were punished, and that, too, an assault
committed on a newcomer and a stranger
were doubly mortifying to the pride of this
arrogant class of inhabitants, as they were
also a subject of invidious exultation among
the purely Chinese portion of the population.
At Amoy there were also difficulties asso-
ciated with the introduction of the new
regime. The troops remained in occupation
of this port as well as of the island of
Chusan, pending the payment of the in-
demnity. The British post was established
COTTON PLANTATION AT NINGPO.
(From .111 engraving.)
before paying the
to inquire whether
Consul a visit, they sent
it was a Sunday or not.
The temple authorities also showed an
agreeable disposition to make their tenants
comfortable. Supplies of all sorts were
forthcoming, and the Abbot himself, in the
on the island of Kulangsu, and the guns of
their fort at the southern end dominated the
* Narrative of .in exploratory
Cities of Cliina, bj' the Kcv.
P- 3.12-
visit to tile ConsiiL-ir
George Smith, M.A.,
64 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
dty. It proved tu be a most unlicalthy
position, rather stranjjcly so, because before
the advent of the British the place had been
rcjil.irded as salubrious. The island was,
h .wcver, associated with the early trading
irjii>actions of the British, and on that
aivount, as well as from its gixxl siratefjic
|x)sition, seemed to be marked out as the
site of the future settlement. But it un-
fortunately tiappened that Kulangsu, for
some reason or other, was not mentioned
to the Emperor when the provisions of the
treaty were being discussed, and strong
opptwition was offered to its permanent
occupation by the Chinese authorities. The
British representatives, influenced doubtless
by the insanitary condition of the place, did
not strongly press the point. In the begin-
ning of 1845 the occupying force was with-
drawn. The few British residents who
remained at the time crossed the straits and
settled in the city of Amoy, where they
found no difficulty in obtaining suitable
houses. The Chinese authorities subse-
quently took drastic measures to obliterate
every evidence of the British occupation.
"The barracks, the forts, the flagstaffs, and
even the framework of the windows and
verandahs, were all speedily demolished, and
the materials ^inverted into firewood. The
work of destruction continued till no
remnants of the foreigners remained and
the houses were restored to their primitive
condition. The work of purgation was
vigorously persisted in. The roads were
dug up and the fields had again begun to
assume the appearance of cultivation. The
power of superstition and the aid of heathen
priests were duly invoked. Scarcely a clay
passed without processions of idols, which
were to be seen passing in boats througli
the harbour amongst the fleet of junks, each
of which, with loudly sounding gongs,
saluted the deity as it passed under the
vessel towards the island on the opposite
side. The fearful mortality which carried
off so many of the liritish, had continued
to prevail to an alarming extent during
the previous summer, notwithstanding the
gradual resumption of tillage. In one
family known to the missionaries, and
occupying one house, out of nine persons
seven had fallen victims to the prevailing
fever. Even those %vho tilled the ground
generally retuined after the day's labour to
the less insalubrious residence of Anioy to
spend the night. Tlie fears of tlie ignorant
imputed the common calamity to tlie evil
spirits of the English who had been buried
on the island. The superstitions of the
people magnified every little event ; and the
villagers were to be heard expatiating on
the mysterious scenes whicli they had
witnessed of the gliosis of barbarians
running up and down the hills at night
and 'talking English fearfully.'"*
Ningpo at the outset attracted very little
trade. In the official reports for 1847 there
is a record which shows that only six small
vessels visited the port during the year. The
imports reached but £11,785 i6s. in value,
and the exports stood at the paltry figure
of ;t"622 i8s. 4d. At the whole of tlie five
ports in 1847 the number of foreign
residents was only 470. They were dis-
tributed as follows : Canton 312, Amoy 20,
Foochow 7, Ningpo 15, and Shanghai 116.
It is noted that at Foocliow the British
community ashore was reduced to the
members of the Consulate. The captains
of the opium clippers had dwelling houses
at Nantai, but they seldom resorted to
them.
* N:irrative of an exploratory visit to tlie Consular
Cities of China, by tlie Rev. Georj*e Sniitti, M.A.,
p. 384-
CHAPTER XI.
Sir J. F. Davis's Ailministration — Mob attack on Englishmen at Fatshan — British Troops occupy Canton Defences
— Chinese Authorities agree to admit Foreigners to Canton City — Murder of six young Englishmen near Canton
— Demand for Reparation — Execution of Murderers — Assassination of the Portuguese Governor of Macao — Death
of the Ejnperor Taoukwang — The Taeping Rebellion — Alarm at Shanghai — Formation of Volunteer Corps.
It will have been gathered from the foregoing
chapter that before the ratifications of the
Treaty of Nanking had tieen fairly exchanged
the storm clouds had once more begun to
gather in the quarter in which most of the
disturbances of the peace had hitherto arisen.
In June, 1844, Sir Henry Pottinger left
Hongkong, handing his duties over to Mr.
(afterwards Sir) J. K. Davis. The new British
Superintendent t)f Trade and Governor of
Hongkong was an experienced Anglo-Chinese
ohicial whom we have met before, first as
a member of Lord Amherst's staff on the
occasion of his embassy to Peking in 1816,
and later as successor for a brief period to
Lord Napier as the head of the British
Commission. He was a ripe Chinese scholar,
a writer of acknowledged authority on
Chinese questions, and a gifted man of affairs.
From every point of view his selection for
the principal appointment in China appeared
to be an excellent one. He had the advan-
tage of the assistance in the post of Colonial
Secretary of Mr. Frederick Bruce, whose
distinction it was in later years to be the
first to fill the high office of resident minister
at Peking. Mr. Davis's administration at the
outset was largely occupied, as has been
indicated in a previous chapter, with the
pressing work which he found awaiting him
at Hongkong. The settlement was growing
rapidly, and with its development problems
were arising which called for the exercise
of judicious st;itesmanship. Therefore, while
the new Governor was not unmindful of the
larger interests committed to his care, he had
no temptation to look outside his immediate
environment for difficult tasks to discharge.
There was the less necessity for him to do
so as the policy of letting sleeping dogs lie
as far as possible was the one which had
been deliberately entered upon in view of
the great advantages gained under the Treaty
of Nanking and the manifest expediency of
introducing the new system at the earliest
possible moment with a minimum of fi iction.
It was in pursuance of this principle that
the ebullitions at Canton were not treated
with that seriousness which tliey seemed to
demand. The reinonstrances inade, emphatic
enough as far as the language used was
concerned, lacked the one thing necessary
to make them really effective — a display of
force. As we have seen, so far from making
demonstrations, the British Government at
this juncture rather ostentatiously refrained
from sending ships to the Canton River.
Having annexed Hongkong it felt, and with
reason, that the ships of the navy were in
their right places in the magnificent harbour
there rather than in Chinese waters. An
untoward incident in the Canton River in
the early part of 1847 aime, however, to
break down this policy of masterly inactivity.
A small party of Englishmen made an ex-
cursion by boat from Canton to Fatshan, a
large manufacturing town situated some
little distance up the river. On landing the
visitors were received in a disrtinctly hostile
inanner. In their alarm they proceeded to
the Yamen, or residence of the chief official,
for protection, but this individual unfortunately
was out at the time, and the move instead
of allaying the popular excitement added to
it. The Mandarin, on returning shortly
afterwards, readily gave prompt assistance
to the strangers. He not only drove off the
crowd, but personally conducted the party
back to their boat and shielded them at
considerable risk to himself from the stones
which were thrown by a large mob which
had gathered by the riverside in anticipation
of the embarkation. No one happily was
seriously injured, but Sir John Davis (as he
had now become) took such a serious view
of the episode that, collecting all the available
forces at Hongkong, he descended on Canton
in person to demand satisfaction for what
he regarded as a gross violation of the
Treaty of Nanking. The Bogue forts were
seized without a shot being fired and the
outer defences of the city also fell an easy
prey to the British force. By the 3rd of
April Canton was once more completely at
the mercy of the British. The advantage
gained did not have the expected effect of
reducing the population to submission. On
the contrary their fanatical hatred of the
barbarian was aroused to fever pitch by
the spectacle of British troops occupying
positions near the city. Ferocious pioclania-
tions were Issued, calling upon the people to
attack the insolent strangers and denouncing
Keying, the Imperial Commissioner, as a
traitor. The Chinese authorities on their
part, while probably sympathising with the
mob, realised that if graver trouble was to
be averted they must make peace. Accord-
ingly they accepted the British demands,
the chief of which were that the city of
Canton should be opened to the British
TWENTIETH CENTUEY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
65
within two years from April 6, 1847, and
that the Queen's subjects should be at liberty
"to roam for exercise or amusement" in the
neighbourhood of the city, conditionally on
their returning the same day. After this
the troops were withdrawn to Hongkong.
It was a well organised, well conducted little
expedition, but it did not commend itself to
the Government at home, who were ex-
ceedingly apprehensive lest the country
should be dragged into another costly war.
The official wigging which Sir John Davis
received on this occasion led him to turn
an even deafer ear than hitherto to the
demands constantly forwarded to him from
the British community at Canton for
protective measures. Apart from this, he
seems almost to have been persuaded at the
time that the situation really had vastly
improved owing to the steps taken in April,
1847, for %ve find him on November 20th in
that year, in a despatch to Lord Palmerston,
the then Foreign Secretary, quoting with
complacent approval some peaceful sentences
from a communication he had received from
Keying. The wily old Commissioner had
written : " The old habits of the Canton
populace are now gradually improving, and
we also observe that the (Chinese) guard of
the foreign factories proves very effectual
so that in this quarter no calamity will take
place. If there are one or two loose vaga-
bonds who, without cause, create disturbance
I shall order them to be punished. You the
honourable envoy will feel no uneasiness on
this point. War is disastrous, but peace rich
in blessings. If we henceforth on both sides
control our merchants and people, we shall
ensure a lasting peace and the trade will
daily become more flourishing." The
Governor of Hongkong, while endorsing
these sentiments very heartily, took occasion
to refer to the exaggerated statements which
had been sent home concerning the position
of affairs at Canton by the British merchants
resident there. His letter adds another to
the many examples which the history of
foreign trade with China affords of the
danger of optimism. Seventeen days later
Sir John Davis received at Hongkong a
statement from Mr. Macgregor, the British
Consul at Canton to the effect that six young
EnglishEnen, clerks to merchants at Canton,
had been murdered while on an up-river
excursion. The reports showed that the
young men landed near the village of
Hwang-chu-ke and were surrounded and
attacked by the inhabitants. In the affray
which ensued two of the visitors were killed ;
the others fled but, after a hot pursuit by
villagers, they were at last overtaken at a
place called Hang-Kaon, where they were
overpowered and put to death after a mock
trial. Sir John Davis proceeded immediately
to Canton and peremptorily demanded from
Keying reparation for the outrage which he
described as " perhaps the most grievous
that England has experienced from the
Chinese." Keying promised redress, but as
after the lapse of ten days the demands of
the British tor the punishment of the villagers
and the destruction of their villages had not
been complied with he fixed a further week
as the limit beyond which he could not
continue the negotiations. Eventually four
of the principals implicated in the murders
were executed in the presence of Sir John
Davis, who was attended by a strong guard
of British soldiers. Sir John Davis considered
this very inadequate reparation for a
grievous and unprovoked outrage, and con-
tinued to press Keying for a more extensive
compliance with his earlier demands. Keying
temporised after the manner of Chinese
officialdom and under various pretexts avoided
any further concessions. Meanwhile, the
Canton merchants, greatly incensed and
alarmed at the outrages, had memorialised
Lord Palmerston to give them the protection
which they were entitled to under the Treaty.
They reminded the Foreign Secretary of
their request in 1846 for a warship to be
permanently stationed at Canton, and they
recalled the reply they received that
" wherever British subjects are placed in
memorialists asked his lordship whether
living, as they did, "among a people who
had achieved their last bloody triumph in the
slaughter of our countrymen," they did not
require "the efficient, constant, and present
protection of Her Majesty's forces." Lord
Palmerston replied to the memorialists that
he did not see how a steam vessel stationed
in front of the factories could have prevented
the outrage, and expressed his regret that
the merchants had not used their influence
SIR JOHN FRANCIS DAVIS, BART., GOVERNOR, HONGKONG.
(From an engravinjj in the I'rint l^oom, British Museum.)
danger in a situation which is accessible to a
British ship of war, thither a British ship of
war ought to be and will be ordered." " It
was," they proceeded, " with the utmost sur-
prise and regret, therefore, that we beheld
that officer shutting his eyes to the danger
that menaced us, overlooking all manifesta-
tions of the ill-feeling of the people . . .
disregarding the murderous manifestoes
of the banded ruffians by whom we are
surrounded, and withholding the protection
he had been directed to afford." The
amongst the young men of their establish-
ments to induce them to desist, at least for
a time, from excursions which were known
to be attended with personal risk. The con-
troversy arising out of the incident, after
continuing for some time, was settled after a
fashion by the promulgation by the Chinese
of a series of regulations designed to afford
greater protection to foreigners at Canton
and its vicinity.
Less than a twelvemonth after the
Fatshan incident another outrage of a
66 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
similar character nas perpetrated at Tsingpu,
a town about 30 miles distant iroin
Shanghai. A paity o( missionaries, three
in number, left the British settlement one
day in March, iKt^^- ^'>^ the intention of
conducting their proselytising work at the
town. On arrival they cvmimenced to dis-
tribute their tracts when they were molested
by a party of rowdies. Soon the attack
developed into a serious one and the
missiorraries thought it wise to take to
flight. They did so, but were pursued and
captured, and were then subjected to severe
maltreatment. The officials and respectable
classes finally rescued them from their
dangerous position and they were helped
tack to Shanghai, sorely wounded and with
the loss of all their possessions. Mr. Alcock
on hearing of the occurrence sent a war
vessel with the Vice-Consul, and Mr. Harry
Parkes as interpreter on board, to Nanking
to demand satisfaction. Meanwhile, an
embargo was laid upon the sailing of the
rice btoats. Li, the Viccioy, on being
interviewed, proved most anxious to settle
opposed to any concession of the kind.
There W'as no desire en the part of the
British to carry matters to extremes, and
when the Emperor's decree arrived express-
ing his opposition to any attempt to force
the populace to receive foreigners into the
city against their will, it was deemed
expedient to acquiesce in the imperial
decision. After this there was a brief lull,
hut the atrocious murder of the Portuguese
Governor of Macao in 1850 proved that the
Chinese spirit of antagonism to foreigners
was as potent for evil as ever. The outrage
was a peculiarly dastardly one, and it was
committed under circumstances which left
little doubt as to the complicity of the
Chinese officials. M. Amaral, the unfor-
tunate victim, desirous of restoring the
prestige of his country, had introduced
several changes in the administration. He
did nothing that was not in keeping with
the spirit of the recently concluded agree-
ment, but the Canton authorities were
greatly incensed at his actioir and made up
their minds to compass his death. Placards
THE TAI-WANG-KOW OR YELLOW PAGODA FORT, CANTON RIVER.
(From Allom & Wright's "China.")
the matter amicably. He gave orders for
the removal of the Intendant of Soochow,
and appointed another official with special
instructions to inquire into the incident.
Later, ten men implicated in the outrage
were punished with flogging, the cangue
and banishment. In this way what had
threatened to be a very tiresome and
protracted business was concluded to the
complete satisfaction of the British com-
munity.
If the spirit shown by the officials on this
occasion had been manifested in the south
no further rupture would probably have
occurred, at all events for a good many
years. But Canton would not have been
Canton if it did not do its best to embitter
the relations between the native and the
foreign elements. It will be recalled that
one of the conditions wrung from Keying
by Sir John Davis in 1847, was that the ■
gates of Canton should be opened to
British subjects on April 6, 1849. As
the day approached for the carrying out
of this clause in the agreement it became
evident that the population were bitterly
at their instigation were issued, inflaming
the native populace against him, and in other
ways the path was prepared for the crime.
The blow was struck swiftly and remorse-
lessly. M. Amaral when riding out one day,
accompanied only by one officer, was
attiicked, on the outskirts of the town, by a
party of ruffians who lay in ambush. He
was dragged from his horse and put to
death with great cruelty. Afterwards his
head was cut off and sent to Canton as a
trophy. There it was received with every
manifestation of delight. Su, the Governor-
General of the province, in communicating
the fact of the assassination to the Emperor,
said that the barbarian's crimes merited
public punishment of the most fearful kind,
but that it had pleased the gods to interfere
and make an example of him, by allowing
his death at the hands of some men who
had private injuries to avenge. To throw
dust in the eyes of the Portuguese, the
same official caused a criminal to be
decapitated, and sent his head, with that of
the Portuguese Governor, to Macao, with an
intimation that the crime had been avenged
by the execution of the principal murderer.
The Portuguese declined to accept this as
adequate reparation, and reinforcements
were summoned from Lisbon, to impress
upon the Canton oflicials a sense of the
infamy of the outrage that had been com-
mitted. After moiitlis of negotiation several
of the real criminals were captured and
executed. A number of other men impli-
cated in the crime had met their deserts
previously at the hands of British forces
engaged in suppressing piracy in the Canton
Estuary.
The death of the Emperor Taoukvvang on
February 12, 1850, gave a new turn to
the course of events in China. The old
despot's declining days were dogged with
misfortune, and he left to his successor,
Hienfung, a legacy of internal trouble and
international complications which was to
shake the imperial power to its foundations.
Hienfung was only a young man of nineteen
when he ascended the throne, and his im-
pressionable mind seems to have fallen under
the spell of those of the imperial counsellors
who were inimical to toreigners. One of his
first acts was to disgrace Keying and another
Mandarin who had shown in their official
career some leaning towards the British.
Whether intended as an indication of hostile
policy or not the action taken was interpreted
in that sense by the great majority of Chinese
officials, and indications were soon forth-
coming of the change in sentiment. At
Foochow difficulties were raised against the
British residing in the city, on the ground
previously taken up that the concession of
trading facilities referred not to the city but
to the landing place at the mouth of the
river. Lin, the old enemy of the British, was
in residence at this time in the vicinity of
Foochow, and it was suspected, not prob-
ably without reason, that he had a hand in
fomenting the agitation which arose on this
question. Whatever the truth may have been
on that point, the ebullition was thoroughly
in keeping with the sentiments which had
always inspired him. Moreover, the selection
of ground for the dispute showed the mark
of his cunning hand ; for the British were
undoubtedly in the wrong in their interpre-
tation of the terms of the concession. The
Treaty conferred permission to the British to
reside in the Kiang-Kan, or mart at the mouth
of the river, but not in the ching or town.
Upon this fact being borne in upon them
the British officials withdrew their preten-
sions, leaving the question open for adjust-
ment afterwards as opportunity might offer.
Hienfiing's antagonism to foreigners was
peculiarly ill-timed in the circumstances in
which he commenced his reign. Throughout
the vast limits of his empire there was dis-
content and unrest. The formidable secret
organisation known as the Triads had raised
the standard of rebellion in alarming fashion
in Kwangsi. In vast bands they ravaged the
country, laid siege to towns, and fought
pitched battles with imperial troops. The
imperial authorities were powerless to make
any real headway against the movement.
The small advantages gained were more
than counterbalanced by crushing defeats.
At length the rebels had the audacity to put
forward their chief, Tien Wang, as a rival
for the imperial tlirone itself. Tien Wang
was a man of low birth and inferior educa-
tional attainments, but he had unquestionable
genius as a leader, and the common people,
impressed by his successes, pinned their faith
in his destiny with remarkable devotion. He
justified the popular confidence reposed in
him after his assumption of royal rank by
carrying in the early part of the year 1851
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. Q7
the important military station of Nanning
and occupying a great tract of country about
it. Thereafter he proceeded to attaclj Kvvei-
ling, the provincial capital which commands
one of the important roads into the interior
of China. Frenzied efforts were made by
the Imperial Government to cope with the
situation, but by this time the Taeping Re-
bellion, as it was to be kno%vn in history,
had assumed such proportions as to be almost
beyond the powers which could be exercised
from Peking. Instead of Tien Wang being
suppressed by the forces sent against him
he derived confidence from their ill-directed
efforts, and In the end conceived the bold
design of marchhig his forces northwards
into Hoonan. It is unnecessary for our pur-
pose to follow the course of events so lucidly
described in Mr. Demetrius Boulger's great
work on China. Suffice it to say that by the
month of April, 1853, the rebels, after a
tiiumphal march, had captured and occupied
Nanking and firmly established themselves in
the valley of the Yangtse-Kiang.
The course of the rebellion had been
watched with intense interest by foreigners
in China and by none more closely than by
the British community. As a rule sympathy
was strongly enlisted on the side of the rebels.
In them Britons saw a people struggling for
freedom against a desolating despotism, and
they attributed to them patriotic virtues which
it is to be feared they never possessed.
After the astounding successes achieved in
the valley of the Yangtse the British au-
thorities deemed it advisable to take special
measures to discover the true meaning of this
wonderful movement which seemed to be
on the point of laying the proud Manchu
power in the dust. Consequently in April,
1853, Sir George Bonham, who had suc-
ceeded Sir John Davis in the supreme
charge of British interests in China, pro-
ceeded to Nanking in the warship: Hermes.
The vessel was fired upon by the batteries
at Chinkiang and Kwachow, but the compli-
ment was ignored and in due course the
party reached Nanking. After a week spent
in interviews and negotiations with the
Taeping leaders. Sir George Bonham left in
the Hermes. His mission, there can be no
doubt, was a mistake. While it accomplished
nothing practical, it had the effect of instil-
ling the jealous and suspicious minds of the
Peking authorities with the belief that Britain
was for her own purposes fomenting the
rebellion. After Sir George Bonham's visit
to Nanking a section of the rebel forces
marched northwards with the intention of
attacking Peking. The enterprise failed for
various reasons, and very few of those who
left Nanking ever returned to it. But signal
as were the imperial successes they had no
decisive result on the course of the rebellion.
The flame of revolt continued to blaze with
fierce intensity at many and widely separated
points, and occasional outbreaks in quite
new centres pointed the inevitable results of
slackened authority. At the British Treaty
ports the continuance of the rebellion was
regarded with a feeling almost akin to con-
sternation. The effect upon trade was most
disastrous, and the proposal was seriously
mooted by the Shanghai mercantile com-
munity that the custom duties should no
longer be paid. Mr. Rutherford Alcock,
however, emphatically declined to entertain
any such idea, pointing out that the pro-
visions of the Treaty of Nanking must
be upheld, and urging that it behoved
British subjects to maintain strict neutrality
in the crisis through which China was
passing. On another point— the putting of
the settlement in a condition of defence —
Mr. Alcock was able to enter into hearty
co-operation with the mercantile community.
Under his auspices an influential meeting of
the residents was held in April, 1853, to
devise a plan for the protection of the com-
munity. The most notable decision arrived
at was that the British residents should form
a volunteer corps under the direction of
Captain Trowson, an officer who had seen
service in the Bengal Fusiliers, and that the
supreme command and direction of the
military preparations should be vested in
Captain Fishbourne, the senior officer on
the station. At a subsequent meeting the
members of the other foreign communities
decided to associate themselves with their
British confreres in these protective measures.
Events soon proved the wisdom of the action
taken. After some preliminary threatenings
the rebels in September, 1853, descended
upon the native city and with the aid of the
local disaffected seized the Taoutai's quarters,
killed a number of officials, and assumed the
government. The occurrences excited great
alarm in the settlement, which from its
and provided daily diversion for Shanghai
people, who in the intervals of business went
out to watch the operations of the contending
forces. In the interests of commerce, which
was suffering greatly by the civil distractions,
attempts were vainly made to induce the
rebels to surrender. Short of intervention,
however, there seemed no way of bringing
the siege to a close. The British authorities
steadily declined to entertain all proposals to
this end. But the French, whose settlement
was nearest the native city and, therefore,
most liable to attack, in December, 1854,
elected to throw the weight of their influence
into the imperial scale with a view of putting
an end to the state of war in which the
district had been involved for the past three
months. The French guns did a good deal
of damage to the city walls, and it seemed
that the Triads, as the rebels were locally
known, were in for a very bad time. When,
however, the French with a force of some
four hundred sailors and marines attempted
to assault the city in co-operation with the
imperial forces, they were met with such a
THE CITY OF NANKING.
(From Allom & Wright's-^'\ China.")
proximity to the scene of the disturbances
and its open character, was a bait calculated
to attract the lawless mob which had so
dramatically obtained the ascendency in the
adjacent Chinese district. Every precaution
was taken to guard against surprise and to
meet an attack. The men-of-war in port
trained their guns upon the approaches to
the settlement and were ready to land armed
parties at a moment's notice. Meanwhile the
volunteer force patrolled the European quarter
day and night. As time wore on it became
evident that the rebels had no intention of
provoking an encounter. Apart from the
inevitable risks which thev would have to
face there was the certainty that interfer-
ence with Europeans would break down the
policy of neutrality which had been steadily
pursued in regard to them. So what at first
had been regarded as a menacing danger
assumed the aspect of a somewhat tedious
but not entirely uninteresting struggle
upon which foreigners could look with an
air of detachment. The attempts of the
imperial forces to recover possession of the
city were ludicrous in their ineff'ectiveness
determined resistance that they were com-
pelled ultimately to fall back with a loss
of four officers and si.xty men killed and
wounded. This unpleasant reverse had the
effect of killing for the time being the idea
of foreign intervention. The contending fac-
tions were left severely alone and the siege
went on in its old desultory way. Before
very long the rebels, feeling the pinch of
want, made a desperate effort to cut their
way out. The bulk of them fell either by
the sword of the imperialists or later at the
hands of the executioners, who carried out
their sanguinary work with a remorseless
severity characteristic of Chinese methods.
The two leaders. Lew and Chin-ah-lin,
escaped, though a heavy price was put upon
their heads, and a few of the lesser lights
of the rising also got away by taking refuge
in the foreign settlement. In other direc-
tions at this period the imperial authorities
achieved successes over the rebels, and the
circumstance undoubtedly tended to stiffen
their opposition to demands which shortly
afterwards were made upon them by the
British Government.
68 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
CHAPTER XII.
Sir John Bowling's Administration— He demands an Interview with the Viceroy Yeh — Refusal to grant a
Meeting in Canton — Outrage on the British Lorcha "Arrow" — Sir Michael Seymour bombards Canton — Con-
tinuance of Hostilities— Troops requisitioned from England — Lord Elgin appointed Special Envoy— Expeditionary
Force sent out but diverted to India to deal with the Mutiny Crisis— Ultimate advance on Canton — Bombardment
of the City — Capture and deportation of Yeh — Allied British and French Fleets capture the Taku Forts and
enter the Peiho Rivei — Conclusion of the Treaty of Tientsin.
Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Bowring in 1853
succeeded Sir George Boiiham in the chief
control of British interests in China. He
was a man wlio liad had a remarkable career.
In 1832, when travelling in France, he was
arrested as a spy. The intimate friend of
Jeremy Bentham, and one of the earliest
school of philosophical Radicals, he was the
instructions, on appointment, were to avoid
all initatinj^ discussions with China, aiui when
a new Government came into power in
England a short time later the instructions
were repeated with emphasis. In strict con-
formity with them Sir John Bowring (as he
became soon after his appointment) souglit
an early opportunity of entering into friendly
SIK JOHN BOWRING, GOVERNOR OF HONGKONG.
(From the bronze medallion in the National Portrait Gallery.)
first joint editor of the Westminster Review,
and wrote largely on political and economic
questions. He was employed by the Gov-.
ernments of the day on many important
commissions, and in 1841 entered Parliament
as a Radical. Six years later he went as
Consul to Canton. It was from this post
tliat he was transferred to Hongkong. His
communication with the Chinese authorities.
The Viceroy Su, in acknowledging his
communication, complimented him on his
appointment, but begged to be excused a
personal interview on the ground that his
hands were full of the operations against
the rebels. Nothing was done for some
little time, Sir John Bowring deeming that
he was precluded from pushing the matter
by the strict injunctions given to him on
appointment and several times repealed.
When, however, in the early part of 1854,
Lord Clarendon, who had succeeded to the
office of Foreign Secretary, addressed him
a despatch in which an admission was made
of the desirability of securing free and unre-
stricted intercourse with the Chinese officials
and "admission into some of the cities of
China, especially Canton," he felt that he
might appropriately venture to raise afresh
the question of the opening of Canton to the
British. The opportunity offered on the
appointment of Yeh as Viceroy in succession
to Su. Sir John Bowring addressed a
communication to the new commissioner
notifying his definitive appointment as
Governor of Hongkong. Receiving no reply
to this he sent a second communication
requesting an interview but intimating that
such could only take place within the city
of Canton at the oflicial residence of the
Viceroy. Yeh sent an evasive reply,
saying that though he would be pleased to
see Sir John Bowring if possible his duties
in connection with the management of the
military arrangements in tlie province were
such that he could not name a day. The
British Governor, not to be put off in this
way, sent Mr. Medhurst, his official secre-
tary, to Canton, charged with the duty of
fixing an interview with Yeh if such an
arrangement could be made. Mr. Medhurst
speedily found that his mission would be an
abortive one. The Mandarins detailed to
meet him were men of inferior rank, and
he could get no satisfaction. He gathered,
however, that the arrangement made by
Keying for the opening of the gates of the
city was repudiated by the Viceroy, and
that the utmost concession that would be
made was that a meeting should take place
at the Jinsin Packhouse on the Canton Kiver
— a position outside the city limits. Sir
John Bowring resolutely declined to enter-
tain this proposal, and finding that Yeh was
obdurate he left Hongkong for Shanghai
with the view of getting into direct com-
munication with the Peking authorities. On
arrival at the northern .settlement, he ad-
dressed a letter to Eleang, the Viceroy of
the Two Kiang, making a complaint of
Yeh's discourtesy to him and expressing a
desire to negotiate either with him or some
other high official of the Empire. Eleang
replied in a letter which is a masterpiece of
courtly irony. After saying that he could
not interfere with Commissioner Yeh, who
was a high official specially appointed by
the Emperor to conduct the relations with
foreigners, he wrote : " I have no means
of knowing what kind of treatment your
Excellency or your predecessors received at
the hands of the Commissioner at Canton.
It is, to my mind, a matter of more con-
sequence that we of the central and other
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 69
nations have made fair dealing and good
faith our rule of conduct, and thus for a
length of time preserved entire our amicable
relations. Familiarity or otherwise in social
intercourse and all such triHes, are, in my
opinion, to be decided by the laws of con-
ventionality. As your Excellency cherishes
such a dislike to discourteous treatment, you
must doubtless be a most courteous man
yourself — an inference which gives me sin-
cerest pleasure, for we shall both be able to
maintain Treaty stipulations, and contiiaie in
the practice of mutual goodwill to your
Excellency's everlasting honour." Sir John
Bovvring let the matter sleep for the best
part of a year and then (in June, 1855)
prepared an explicit demand for the ofiicial
reception either of himself or of Mr. Ruther-
ford Alcock, who by this time had been
transferred from Shanghai to Canton. Yeli,
after taking a month to reply, sent a l^;tter
saying that the reception of a consul was out
of the question, and that as the Governor
himself had refused the meeting outside the
city, there was an end of the matter. He
added that though the rebel movement had
been got well under, he was still largely
occupied with military matters. In acknow-
ledging this communication Sir John Bowring
intimated that there was little likelihood of
British and Chinese relations being put on
anything like a satisfactory footing until
the city question was satisfactorily settled.
Here for the present the controversy ended.
Mr. Alcock returned to his old post at
Shanghai, and his place at Canton was filled
by Mr. (afterwards Sir) Harry Parkes. Tlie
altitude of the Cantonese meanwhile, was
such as to cause grave anxiety. Follow-
ing upon a series of minor insults a gross
and entirely unprovoked attack was made
The deadlock which had been reached
might have continued indefinitely had not,
as had often happened before, in the history
of foreign trade in China, an event occurred
which forced matters to an issue. Early in
October, 1856, a lorcha, or fast sailing boat,
no right to interfere. After waiting a few
days for an apology which was not forth-
coming it was decided to give an additional
turn to the screw with a view to bringing
Yeh to a more reasonable frame of mind. To
Sir Michael Seymour, the Admiral on the sta-
SIR HARRY PARKES, K.C.B.
(From "Tlie Life of Sir Harry Parties." By Stantey
Lane-Poole.
By Itiiid permission of Messrs. Macmillan & Co.)
in 1856 in the outskirts of Canton upon
Mr. Berkeley Johnson and Mr. Whittall, two
of the leading British merchants. In spite of
the indignant remonstrances of Mr. Parkes,
the Chinese authorities took no action what-
ever to punish the offenders. The utmost
that they could be induced to do was to
secure the withdrawal of an inflammatory
placard directed against Europeans.
BRITISH WARSHIPS PASSING THE BATTERIES OP THE BOCCA TIGRIS.
, (From ail engraving.)
named the Arrmv, British owned and com-
manded, and flying the British flag, while
lying at anchor in the Canton River was
boarded by a party of Mandarins attended
by a substantial escort. In spite of remon-
strances the intruders hauled down the
British flag and carried ofi^ the Chinese crew
prisoners. On the circumstances of the in-
cident becoming known to Mr. Parkes he
demanded satisfaction for this " very grave
insult," and as a preliminary requested that
the captured crew should be released. Yeh
sent a reply which was a vindication of the
proceedings of the officials. His explanation
was that one of the crew was a criminal, and
that the others were required as witnesses
against him. Moreover, he asserted that the
Arrmv was not a foreign lorcha — a contention
which had colourable justification in the fact
that through an oversight the boat was not
at the time of the affair actually registered
at Hongkong, though it was beheved that
she was so registered, and in any event she
was most certainly under British protection.
Beyond question the boarding of the bo.it
and the carrying off of her crew was an
unwarrantable proceeding, and one which
could not possibly be overlooked without
grave injury to British prestige.
Failing to obtain redress from Yeh the
British authorities decided to institute re-
prisals. The first step taken was the seizure
of a junk believed to be a Chinese Govern-
ment vessel, by the British Naval Commodore
at Canton. When this move had lieen carried
out Mr. Parkes wrote to Yeh telling him
what had been done, and reminding him that
the question of the Arrow still remained
unsettled. The Chinese Commissioner affected
to be not in tlie least moved by the British
action. The junk seized, he intimated, was not
a Government vessel, and as for the matter
in dispute it was where it was, the lorcha
not being a British vessel the British had
tion, was entrusted the task of applying the
pressure. This took the form of battering
the Barrier forts and dismantling and spiking
the guns. The operation was accomplished
on the 23rd of October, with the accustomed
facility. Proceeding up the river to Canton
the British admiral delivered a communication
in the nature of an ultimatum informing Yeh
that unless he complied at once with every
demand made, the British forces would
" proceed with the destruction of all the
defences and public buildings of this city
and of the government vessels in the river."
As no reply was vouchsafed to the message
Sir Michael Seymour proceeded to dismantle
the forts in the vicinity of Canton itself, and
having landed a body of marines for the
protection of the foreign factories manoeuvred
ills ships into such a position as to lead to
the supposition that he meant to bombard
the city. Yeh, so far from being intimidated
by the naval menace was only aroused by it
to greater fury. He sent a defiant message
to the British telling them that the rage
of the people who suffered by the operations
undertaken would speedily retrieve the injuries
that might be inflicted. Meanwhile, he placed
a price on the head of every Englishman
that might be brought to him. This un-
compromising attitude made the adoption of
further coercive measures indispensable. For
two days the British ships, after due notice
had been given to the inhabitants, bombarded
those parts of the city in which the Govern-
ment buildings were situated. Thereafter, a
body of marines was landed, and when they
had occupied Tsinghai gate. Sir Michael
Seymour and Mr. Parkes proceeded to the
Viceroy's yamen. This demonstration having
been made the positions occupied in the city,
which were not easily defensible, were
evacuated, and the force was witlidrawn
either to the ships or to the positions occupied
by the river. It was a well-planned and
70 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
well-«xecute<J business, but it unfortunately
did nt>t bring a settlement a whit the nearer.
Nothing further of imiwrtance occurred until
the commencement of Xoverat>er, when Sir
Michael Seymour attacked and destroyed a
(!eet of war junks which were tlireafening
his communications. On the Qth of November
he issued another ultimatum giving notice
that ho>tiHties would l>e prosecuted actively
if a settlement was not reached in twenty-four
hours. As the only response vouchsafed was
an evasive communication in which stress
was laid on the growing indignation of the
Chinese people at the British action, Sir
Uichael Seymour on the 1 2th and 13th of
Noveml>er attacked and captured the Bogue
forts, which at the time were armed with
four hundred guns. Still there were no
overtures for peace from the Chinese. On
the contrary the Cantonese showed the
greatest activity in perfecting their defensive
measures and waging hostilities in their
peculiar fashion. Stragglers were cut off
and ruihlessly butchered, in some instances
after horrible torture ; attempts were made
Sir Michael Seymour was to deal with them
effectually. Towards the end of January,
1857, the British and American docks and
factories at Whampoa were destroyed by
fire. Wherever it was deemed safe to attack
the property of foreigners the attack was de-
livered. To deal with the marauding Chinese
junks, which were able to avoid encounters
by taking refuge in the numerous shallow
creeks where the large ships of the navy
could not follow them, Sir Michael Seymour
manned and armed a number of native
ships and carried the war very successfully
into the heart of the enemy's country. But
these measures had onlv a local and transient
effect. They left Yeh" absolutely indifferent,
and if they moved the populace at all it
was only to add fuel to the flames of their
patriotic ardour. In the face of such a
situation, Sir Michael Seymour could not do
less than apply to the home authorities for
that material aid which he needed to carry
out a comprehensive plan of campaign. At
the close of 1856 he sent home a demand
for 5,000 troops and meantime called to his
TEMPLE AND CANAL OF HONAN.
(From Borget's "Skcti;hes of China.")
to fire ships, and forts were blown up.
Finally, successive attempts were made to
fire the foreign factories, attempts which in
the long run were so successful that the
entire foreign settlement was completely
destroyed. The position ashore at length
became so difficult to hold that Sir Michael
Seymour elected to withdraw his men to
the ships, and to conduct the negotiations
from them. The Chinese, elated at this
retrograde move, now redoubled their efforts
to annihilate the haled barbarians. Unwary
Europeans who happened to be moving about
at this period were captured and murdered.
In one instance a daring attack was made
upon a postal steamer plying between Canton
and Hongkong, and the ship captured and
destroyed, and the Europeans on board put
to death. This deadly activity was stimulated
by the rewards offered by Yeh, which at
this juncture amounted to as much as thirty
pounds a head.
The hostilities went on in desultory
fashirjn for some weeks, the Chinese gain-
ing confidence as they realised how impotent
aid as many of the units of the garrison of
the Straits Settlements as could be spared.
War by this time was not only in sight— it
had arrived.
The Home Government treated Sir Michael
Seymour's requisitions with the seriousness
that they merited. They saw that whether
they liked it or not they had to deal with a
difficulty of more than ordinary importance
in its military as well as in its diplomatic
aspects. They therefore decided to send out
the Earl of Elgin as special envoy to direct
any negotiations which might be entered
into with the Chinese Government. Lord
Elgin was a nobleman thoroughly qualified
by temperament and experience in public
life for the duty. His views were broad
and statesmanlike and he had sufficient of
the national quality of caution to make it
certain that he would not rush the country
into reckless courses. He left England at
the end of April, 1857, intent on making his
way to the seat of disturbances as quickly
as possible. But neither Lord Elgin nor the
Government at home had foreseen a crisis in
India with which the China difficulty was
by comparison insignificant. While Lord
Elgin was on the sea the flames of mutiny
were sweeping over Northern India, placing
the British power in the deadliest peril it
had been in for generations. On arrival at
Singapore on the 3rd of June, a leltcr from
Lord Canning, the Governor-General of India,
met the Envoy, representing in the most
urgent terms the peril of the posilion in
which the paramount power was placed and
imploring him to divert the China expedition
to the assistance of the .sorely tried British
forces in the North West Provinces. It was
impossible, of course, to resist so pressing
an appeal. The necessary orders were
given and the British regiments drawn from
England and Mauritius were promptly
despatched to Calcutta, where they arrived
to materially alleviate a very dangerous situa-
tion. Meanwhile Lord Elgin resumed his
journey to Hongkong, which port he reached
in the first week of July, 1857. In the
months preceding his arrival, Sir Michael
Seymour had been busily occupied in carry-
ing home to the mind of the enemy the
fact that war for them was a very costly
business. A great fleet of Government junks
was destroyed in the Escape Creek, an inlet
lying between Hongkong and the Bocca
Tigris, smaller expeditions were conducted
up the other creeks in the locality, and,
most important of all, on the 1st of June
the Admiral, with a small force of men,
stormed and captured immensely strong
positions held by the enemy in and about
the town of Katshan. The latter operations
were carried out with a dash and gallantry
characteristic of the senior service, and
though they resulted in somewhat heavy
casualties — thirteen killed and forty wounded
— the price was not a heavy one to pay for
what was unquestionably a valuable piece
of work.
Lord Elgin, on deliberating carefully over
the position of affairs which confronted him
at Hongkong, came to the conclusion that the
operations against Canton with a view to
the crushing of Yeh's power must be sus-
pended pending the arrival of fresh troops
from home. The decision arrived at caused
some discontent amongst the mercantile
community, who were naturally anxious that
a decisive blow should be struck without
delay in view of the certain misconceptions
which would arise from a slackening of the
operations. But though the arguments used
in support of this view were exceedingly
weighty, there is little doubt that Lord Elgin
was entirely in the right. To attack Canton
with a reasonable prospect of success at least
four thousand troops, it was calculated, would
be required. At Hongkong at that time the
total garrison only numbered fifteen hundred,
and of these a considerable number were
ineffectives. The utmost force that could
have been mustered with the assistance of
the fleet was two thousand men. This body,
even if successful in capturing the enemy's
positions, was altogether too small to hold
them. Moreover, without reserves for the
expediiionary force to fall back upon, the
British power would have been greatly im-
perilled in the event of a disaster. Lord
Elgin, though opposed to active measures in
the Canton River, was not content to sit
down and do absolutely nothing. He pro-
posed to the Home Government that he
should make a demonstration with the fleet
off the Peiho, with the object, if possible, of
getting into touch with the Peking authorities.
Lord Clarendon, the Foreign Secretary of
the period, wrote entirely approving of the
suggestion ; but local opinion was strongly
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 71
against the adoption of a course which would
extend the area of operations. The conten-
tion was that the quarrel was with Yeh and
that it should be dealt with at Canton. It
was impossible to gainsay the force of these
views, so Lord Elgin decided to drop his
project for the time being and await the
course of events with as much equanimity as
he could. In order that he might be fully
acquainted with the intentions of the Indian
Government as regarded the troops diverted
from China to the peninsula, he paid a flying
visit to Calcutta. What he learned on the
way about the gravity of the position induced
him to take with him seventeen hundred
additional troops which were on the way
out to China. These reinforcements were of
incalculable value to India, but their despatch
destroyed any lingering expectations that the
envoy entertained of being able immediately
to prosecute a vigorous diplomacy in China.
Returning to Hongkong in September, he
found, however, that preparations were in
active progress for the expedition to Canton,
whenever it should be made. The time for
action came with the close of the year. By
that period the authorities had completed
their military arrangements. Their position,
furthermore, had been strengthened by the
conclusion by tlie Home Government with
the French authorities of a working agree-
ment by which it was arranged that the two
powers should jointly prosecute the demand
for redress for outrages committed and for
freedom of diplomatic intercourse. Altogether
a force of six thousand, including nine hun-
dred French, was available for the important
business in hand.
The opening step of the war was the
transmission on the I2th of December to
Yeh of a communication from Lord Elgin
informing him of the nature of his mission,
and especially demanding the complete execu-
tion at Canton of all treaty engagements and
compensation to British subjects for injuries
and losses incurred in the recent disturbances.
Yeh replied in a discursive letter, in which
he sought to justify argumentatively the posi-
tion he had taken up. He suggested, it would
seem ironically, that trade relations should be
renewed on the basis of each party paying
for its own losses. It was obvious from the
tenour of the communication that Yeh was
still unrepentant. In the circumstances it
was decided that Sir Michael Seymour
should occupy that portion of the island of
Honan which faces Canton. The move was
expeditiously carried out on the 15th of
December without opposition. Afterwards
the main body of troops was brought up
the river from Hongkong. By Christmas Day
everything was in readiness for the assault.
But a chance was given to Yeh to recon-
sider his position before a shot was fired.
He was allowed forty-eight hours to think
the matter over, or, if he intended to under-
take hostilities, to provide time for the
peaceable population to evacuate the city.
Whether Yeh did give any serious attention
to the ultimatum is not clear. Probably,
having found himself in a most diflicult posi-
tion with certain ruin and probably death
before him if he assented to the foreigners'
demands, and possible defeat and disaster
if he held out, he thought it better to leave
the matter to the decision of fate. However
that may be, he made no sort of reply to
the joint British and French declaration.
On the 28th of December, theiefore, the
bombardment commenced in earnest, the fire
being directed to a position known as Lin's
Fort, on the east side, which offeied the
most feasible line of advance. After half
an hour's firing the Chinese gunners fled.
and the fort was soon afterwards destroyed
by the accidental firing of its magazine.
Under cover of the guns the troops ad-
vanced to the walls of the city, which were
assailed from three different points. They
were met with a rather feeble resistance,
and within an hour and a half of the com-
mencement of the attack the city was in the
possession of the allied forces. Meanwhile,
another portion of the expeditionary force
had captured the fort on Magazine Hill,
which is a highly important strategic posi-
tion as it commands the other eminences
about the city. From this centre the
culty was at first experienced in discovering
his lair. The official quarter, containing the
residences of Yeh and Pihkwei, the Governor,
was captured, and with it a considerable
amount of treasure, but Yeh was unfortu-
nately " not at home." By dint of assiduous
inquiries Mr. (alterwaids Sir Harry) Parkes
obtained information as to the Commissioner's
movements, and he was finally tracked down
in a yamen in the south-west part of the
city. He had made every arrangement tor
flight, and was about to escape over a wall
in the rear of the premises when the guard
of sailors under Captain (afterwards Sir
JAMES, EIGHTH EARL OF ELGIN.
(From an engraving in tlie Print Room, Britisfi Museum.)
Chinese were bombarded out of their posi-
tions in Gough Fort and the surrounding
hills. In fact, within a very short period the
attacking force were absolute masters of the
situation. Yeh still was not conquered.
Installed in his yamen, in the portion of the
cily which had not yet been occupied, he
issued fiery edicts proscribing citizens who
were supposed to have leanings towards the
foreigners and made lavish promises of re-
wards to all who would bring him the heads
of foreigners. His course, however, by this
time was nearly run. On the 5th of January
a move was made with the object of
bearding the lion in his den. Some difii-
Astley Cooper) Key which had accompanied
Mr. Parkes, seized him. Yeh, we are told
by one of the British present, exhibited great
self-possession, and remained perfectly quiet
while his boxes, of which the room was lull,
were opened and examined for papers. The
fact that he had been previously assured
that his life was safe possibly accounted in
some degree for his equanimity, but, even
so, his bearing was markedly indifferent,
having regard to all that his capture implied
to him personally. The only time he seems
to have lost his imperturbability was as he
was being taken through the streets to the
British ship, which was to be his prison.
VIEWS OF CANTON AND VICINITY.
I. TeHPi.E OF Buddha. 2- VVhampoa, from Dank's Island.
3. THE EL-KOPEAN FACTORIES. 4. SCENE OX THF HOXAX CAXAL.
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 73
On the way a party of the British Coolie
Corps was encountered, and these rough
fellows seeing him in custody, put down
their burdens and indulged in hearty laughter.
This open contempt of the despised Hakkas
caused Yeh to gnash his teeth in impotent
rage. Probably he had never experienced in
his whole life a greater insult, but he was
not again to be subjected to the cynosure
of rude Cantonese eyes, for his humiliating
progress on this occasion was his last public
appearance in Canton, or even in China. On
account of his crimes and misdemeanours
against foreigners, and they proved to be
many, he was deported to Calcutta, there to
spend the remaining two years of his life.
The seizure of Canton and the overthrow
of Yeh were important achievements, but
they left unsolved the larger problem of
establishing direct diplomatic intercourse
with the Chinese Government. When
therefore, the war had been completed in
the south, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros, the
French representative, forwarded to the
Chinese Government despatches recounting
the proceedings adopted at Canton, and
setting forth in conciliatory but firm
language the demands which they had been
commissioned to prefer. It was specifically
stated that the official chosen to discuss
affairs with them would be required to
hold his commission direct from the
Emperor. The communications in due
course found their way to Peking and
elicited a characteristically Chinese reply
from Yuching, the Emperor's Chief
Minister. In lofty style the missive dis-
cussed the position of affairs at Canton,
describing the action taken by the allied
powers as being " without parallel in the
history of the past." But, the letter went
on, " His Majesty is magnanimous and con-
siderate. He has been pleased by a decree
which we have had the honour to receive,
to degrade Yeh from the Governor-General-
ship of the Two Kwang for his maladminis-
tration and to despatch His Excellency
Hwang to Kwantung as Imperial Commis-
sioner in his stead to investigate and decide
with impartiality ; and it will of course
behove the English Minister to wait in
Kwantung and there make his arrangements.
No Imperial Commissioner ever conducts
business at Shanghai. There being a par-
ticular sphere of duty allotted to every
official on the establishment of the Celestial
Empire, and the principle that between
them and the foreigner there is no inter-
course being one ever religiously adhered
to by the servants of our Government of
China, it would not be proper for me to
reply in person to the letter of the English
Minister. Let Your Excellency, therefore,
transmit to him all that I have said above,
and his letter will in no way be left un-
answered." The time had passed when
British diplomatists could be diverted from
their purpose by the evasive policy of the
Peking Government, of which Yuching's
letter is a good example. Lord Elgin, who
had proceeded to Shanghai at the end of
March, sent a reply from there, pointing out
the serious character of the infractions of
the Treaty of Nanking, and intimating that
he proposed to proceed north in order to
get into closer communication with the
higher officials of the Imperial Government.
In pursuance of plans already formed. Lord
Elgin and his Erench colleague, early in
April, proceeded to the mouth of the Peiho,
the allied fleet meanwhile being directed to
assemble at that point with all possible
expedition. On arriving at their destination,
the plenipotentiaries sent to Yuching a letter
demanding in temperate language the
appointment of a minister duly authorised
by the Emperor, to discuss questions at
issue. An intimation was given that if, at
the expiry of six days, a satisfactory reply
was not forthcoming, it would be considered
that the pacific overtures of the pleni-
potentiaries had been rejected, and that
other measures must be adopted to obtain
satisfaction. The reply to this was the
appointment of three commissioners of
moderate rank, who lacked the requisite
powers to negotiate. Some weeks were
spent in abortive negotiations which at each
successive stage emphasised the fact that the
inordinate obstinacy and arrogance of the
Chinese Government could only be over-
come by the exercise of force. Lord Elgin,
on his part, was ready to apply this
touchstone to the problem at an early date,
but, unfortunately, there was some mis-
understanding about the movements of the
fleet, and an adequate force was not at
hand when wanted. In his irritation at the
the Imperial Government." As the despatch
was written after the war he was able to
strengthen his position by referring to the
course of the final operations, which, in
almost dramatic fashion, as we shall see,
brought about a settlement. The controversy
was decidedly an unfortunate one, and the
manner in which it was raised reflected
some little discredit on Lord Elgin.
By the middle of May the naval preparations
were sufficiently advanced to enable Lord
H;igin to put into execution his plan of
campaign. On the lyth of the month the
allied fleet, under the joint command of Sir
Michael Seymour and Admiral Kigault
de Genouilly, appeared off the forts and
summoned the commandant to surrender.
No reply to this demand being received, a
bombardment was commenced, and it was
so effective that at the end of an hour and
a quarter it was possible to land parties to
seize the practically deserted forts. Proceed-
ing up the river the allied fleet was attacked
in vigorous fashion by the Chinese, who
A VIEW NEAR TIENTSIN.
delay Lord Elgin penned a despatch home
in which he complained in strong terms of
Sir Michael Seymour's lack of energy, and
he described the non-arrival of the fleet as
" a most grievous disappointment," inasmuch
as he believed that if he had had ten or
twelve gunboats he would have been
allowed by the forts to proceed, unresisted,
to Tientsin, and that the Emperor's Govern-
ment would have yielded at once everything
that was demanded of them. Sir Michael
Seymour was not directly approached on the
subject by Lord Elgin, but when he
became aware of the tenor of the allega-
tions made against him he put in a defence
which, in the view of all impartial and
competent personages, was a complete
vindication of his professional character and
reputation. He directly traversed the idea
that an early move up the river would have
served to bring the Chinese to reason.
Speaking from an experience of two years
of Chinese warfare, he confidently asserted
that " nothing but the conclusive evidence
of irresistible force will ever fully satisfy
made strenuous efforts to destroy the foreign
vessels by means of fire ships. Their plans,
however, were completely frustrated, and the
invaders were able without much further
difficulty to establish themselves firmly at tlie
village or town of Taku. The losses incurred
by the allied forces in the course of the
operations were slight ; they were a small
price for the advantages gained, which were
of a substantial and, as it proved, conclusive
kind. By their victory the allies had free
access to Tientsin, and with it the practical
command of the Grand Canal and of a safe
line of advance on Peking. The results
achieved were so striking that even the
Chinese Government was convinced. On
learning the perilous position of affairs from
the three commissioners, the Emperor des-
patched, with instructions to proceed with
all haste, two high dignitaries— Kweiliang
and Hwashana— to make terms with the
troublesome foreigners. These imperial
negotiators on appearing at Tientsin mani-
fested the utmost anxiety to make terms,
and as they were endowed with auiple
74 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
powers and were prepared to make (he most
liberal conce^iuns, it seemed that peace
was well in sight. The fair prospect was
momentarily dimmed by the appearance
on the scene of Keyinj;, who as a sort
ul informal extra negotiator showed a
disposition to enforc-e terms which fell
considerably short of those which the two
other commissioners were prep;ired to agree
to. It appeared later that this was a
desperate effort on the wily old Mandarin's
part to reinstate himself in the favour of
the Emperor. The scheme failed because
the allied ptnvers were too much in earnest
to be induced to forego any of the fruits
of their success. Keying went back to
Peking a disappointed and disillusioned man.
He was promptly arrested and brought
before the Board of Punishment, who found
him guilty of acting '• with stupidity and
precipitancy," and ordered him to be strangled.
The sentence was not actually carried t)ut
because " as an act of extreme grace and
justice " the Emperor sent him an order " to
put an end to himself," which he obeyed.
Meanwhile, the negotiations at Tientsin with
the two approved commissioners were
proceeding slowly but s;itisfactorily. Con-
siderable opposition was manifested to the
demand for a resident minister at Peking.
Indeed, this was the crti.x of the negotiations.
The commissioners represented that com-
pliance with so unheard of a proposal would
be perilous both to the minister who might
be appointed and the Chinese Government.
They also raised difliculties about etiquette,
and revived the old question of the KotoK'.
Lord Elgin declined to t>e moved from the
position which he had t^iken up at the outset,
that there must, as an essential feature of
any arrangement, be a provision for direct
diplomatic intercourse. At length, on the
nth of June, the commissioners in a des-
patch practically conceded all demands.
They suggested, however, that the visit of
a British Ambassador to Peking should be
deferred for a time. A treaty was draw n
up on the terms of this despatch, and it
was formally signed on the 26th of June.
The ratifications were exchanged on the
4th of July. Afterwards the important
question of the revision of the tariff was
taken in hand. Great Britain acted in this
matter alone, but there was no question of
exclusive privileges, as a most favoured nation
clause extended the concessions granted to
all powers having treaties with China.
The two imperial commissioners who had
negotiated the Treaty of Tientsin were
joined with the Viceroy of the Two Kiang to
conduct the negotiations on the Chinese side,
and Mr. (afterwards Sir Thomas) M^ade and
Mr. Oliphant (Lord Elgin's Secretary) repre-
sented the British. The parties met at
Shanghai, and there threshed out the details
with a commendable amount of expedition.
In the result a striking set of regulations
was agreed to. A maximum tariff of 5 per
cent, ail valorem for both imports and exports
is the guiding principle of the arrangement.
But the most dramatic feature of the
regulations was a clause legalising the im-
portation of opium on the payment of a duty
of thirty taels per chest. It was a concession
wrung without any very serious difficulty
from the Chinese. In their practical way
they doubtless realised that while they were
giving little, since opium was freely intro-
duced in spite of imperial edicts, they were
providing themselves with a useful weapon
with which to attack the foreigner on the
softer side. They were not slow to use it.
Before the negotiations had been completed
the commissioners reverted to tlie question of
the establishment of a permanent diplomatic
representative at Peking. Once more they
represented the grave dangers which would
attend the carrying out of the proposal,
more especially in view of the Taeping
Rebellion, and besought the British officials
not to press the point. The latter were not
insensible to the force of the arguments
used. They also recognised that it was good
policy at the moment to be conciliatory ;
so the question was allowed to stand over,
though it was clearly intimated that there
could be no falling away fiom the principle
of direct diplomatic intercourse. Thus the
Treaty of Tientsin was cariied to completion
with this one little loophole, which was
subsequently to allow of the opening once
more of the floodgates of war. Lord Elgin,
when he left China on the completion of his
work in March, 1859, could not be insensible
to the risks which attended the situation.
While the negotiations were in progress
active steps weie taken to restore the effi-
ciency of the Peiho forts, and secret edicts
were in circulation invoking the national
spirit of the Chinese against the foreigner.
At Canton there had been almost continuous
trouble from the time of Yeh's deposition.
In the city itself martial law rigorously
administered by a British commissioner and
a native governor repressed to some extent
the turbulent instincts of the population. But
in the adjacent districts persistent efforts
were made, and not without success, to harass
the barbarians. Investigations showed that
the unrest was the work of the new Viceroy,
Hwang, who had been sent to succeed Yeh,
supported by a powerful committee of pro-
vincial notabilities. Such was the patriotic
ardour which directed, or misdirected, the
efforts of this combination, that a reward
was offered on its behalf of thirty thousand
dollars for the head of Mr. Parkes. The
occupation was prolonged in consequence of
these manifestations, and measures were
adopted to convince the Chinese that hos-
tility to the foreigner was a policy which
did not pay. In course of time, by means of
well-arranged expeditions to centres of dis-
tuibance, a more peaceful spirit was infused
into the relations between the two races.
But the impression was left that the full
lesson which the military operations were
intended to convey had not been learned.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Third Campaign — Repulse of the British Fleet by the Taku Forts — Despatch of allied British and French
Expeditionary Force — Capture of the Taku Forts— Advance on Peking— Mr. Parkes, Mr. Loch, and others made
Captives by the Chinese — Attack on Peking — Occupation of the Summer Palace and its subsequent Destruction —
The Treaty of Peking.
If the British Government could have had
the arrangement of the course of events
nothing would have suited it better than to
allow trade to pursue the tranquil and
prosperous course which was marked out
for it under the Treaty of Tientsin. That
instrument vastly extended the area of
diplomatic and commercial action in China.
Access to the fountain head of Govenmient
was seemingly assured, the conditions of
trade were fixed on a moderate basis, and,
perhaps most important of all from the
British standpoint, the opium difficulty which
had been an obstacle to peaceful relations for
generations was removed. So much, in fact, •
had been gained that there was little that
was immediately practicable left to secure.
But peace is a blessing which cannot be
commanded, and it proved in this instance
as in others that the British Government,
though actuated by the most pacific of
sentiments, was driven to assume once more
an attitude of determined hostility towards
the Chinese. The source of trouble was the
familiar one in our relations with the Celestial
Empire — bad faith in the execution of treaty
pledges. And the rupture followed quickly on
the heels of the conclusion of peace, arising
in fact out of the ratification of the Tientsin
Convention. Mr. Frederick Bruce, brother of
Lord Elgin, who had acted as secretary to
that nobleman during his embassy, had been
entrusted with the duty of carrying the
final formality through at Peking, and arrived
at Hongkong in April for that purpose. His
definite instructions were to exchange the
ratifications nowhere but at (he capital, but
he quickly discovered that this was a counsel
of perfection in the circumstances of the
hour. The rumours which were brought
with every fresh ship from the mainland
were of military preparations, and of a
determination to resist the indignity to the
imperial person of a mission to Peking.
Knowing lie stood on firm ground Mr. Bruce
did not waste any time in futile negotiations
in the south. Having despatclied a letter for-
mally ainiouiicing his pending departure for
Tientsin, and expressing a hope that adequate
means would be provided ior his convey-
ance to Peking and his accommodation there,
he proceeded northwards. At Shanghai he
found the imperial commissioners still there,
and it was ominous that they manifested a
disposition to discuss certain unsettled points
of detail which they calmly assumed were
still open to debate. Mr. Bruce was not
to be drawn into any side issue by efforts
however speciously framed. His mission was
to get to Peking as quickly as possible and
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONa, SHANGHAI, ETC. 75
he faithfully adhered to it. In view of the
attitude of the authorities tlie fleet was
ordered to assemble at tlie Pciho River, and
witli it went a body of troops from the
iJarrison at Canton. When Mr. Bruce arrived
mijjlit be retrieved by a demonstration on
land, and the force of marines and engineers
which had been sent up from Hongkong
was told off to attempt the capture of the
forts by storm. The enterprise proved to
ON THE RIVER OFF TAKU.
oft the Peiho, on June 20tli, he found a
substantial portion of the China squadron
under its new commander, Admiral Hope,
awaiting him there. Communication had
already been opened up with the shore, but
with very discouraging results. The passage
of the river was found to be barred by a
row of iron stakes backed by a formidable
boom, and the British boat's crew were
warned not to land by an arnitd and angry
crowd. A second attempt to get into touch
with the officials elicited an even more un-
compromising display of hostility, and was
equally unsuccessful. The attitude assumed
by the Chinese was felt to leave no
alternative to a forcing of the defences. The
belief entertained at the British headquarters
was that if this were successfully accom-
plished, and a landing effected, the local
ol'licials would be disowned and there would
be no further opposition to the passage of
the mission to Peking. It was a theory
which the previous history of British le-
lations with China justified. But Admiral
Hope and Mr. Bruce had reckoned without
the spirit of courage which, despite all that
detractors may say, is to be found in the
Chinese soldiery when properly handled and
led. They had not long to wait for a
display of this quality. When the attack
commenced on the 25th of June, the British
ships, on reaching the boom, were subjected
to a destructive fire from the forts. Four
of the British force of eleven vessels engaged
the forts at close quarters, and a fierce tight
was waged for the best part of three hours.
The fire from the forts then slackened, but
the Brit sh ships had been so badly damaged
that they were unable to take' advantage of
the lessened resistance. On drawing off it
was found that three of the gunboats were
in a sinking condition, while there was not a
unit in the squadron which had escaped
severe injury. The check, it was thought.
be an even greater failure than the sea
attack. The men were galled by a dropping
fire from the forts on landing, and after
struggling on against hopeless odds for some
reverse was calculated to have on the situa-
tion in China. Altogether it was one of the
worst days' work to the British account
since their first connection with China.
After the fight Mr. Bruce withdrew to
Shanghai and Admiral Hope sent his ships
to points where he thought they might be
useful in the event of anti-foreign ebullitions.
A serious outbreak at Shanghai which re-
sulted in the death of two Englishmen, and
disturbances at the other Treaty ports
showed that the precaution was a prudent
one. In point of fact the Taku defeat,
doubtless magnified beyond all recognition,
had given a dangerous stimulus to the law-
less and ultra patriotic element of the
Chinese populace. The unrest was the
more marked as it was impossible to do
anything immediately to wipe out the
memory of the rebuff. The Home Govern-
ment naturally had to decide in the impor-
tant crisis that had arisen, and as those
were days when cable communication was
unknown, months necessarily elapsed before
their views were known. The decision they
took, it would seem with considerable reluc-
tance, was to despatch a military expedition
to enforce the realisation of the objects of
British policy. It was not until November,
1859, that the arrangements for the new
movement wel'e matured. Then it was
announced that a joint plan of action had
been discussed and agreed upon between
France and England, and that the military
expedition that was to be sent out would
occupy the island of Chusan as an advanced
base for the contemplated operations in the
Gulf of Pechili.
The new expedition was conceived on a
more formidable scale than any that had
ever been sent to China to enforce foreign
demands. The British force consisted of
ten thousand men, afterwards increased to
thirteen thousand, mainly drafted from India.
THE TAKU FORTS.
time they were withdrawn. The net result
of the day's disasters was a loss of three
hundred men killed and wounded, and a
crippled squadron. Over and above this
was the damaging effect which the British
The French contingent numbered about six
thousand men of all arms. In addition to
this large land force there was a power-
ful naval squadron representing the com-
bined strength in Far Eastern waters of
76 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
the allied powers. Sir Hope Grant, a
distinguished Anglo-Indian general, wlio
had done good service in the operations
around Canton, connnanded the British forces,
while General Montauban was at the head
of the French contingent. The naval com-
mand on the British side remained in the
hands of Admiral Hoi-«e. The diplomatic
arrangements were in harmony with the size
and importance of the expedition. Mr. Bruce,
who had continued to represent the British
Government, and, indix-d, on the 8th of March
presentetl the ultimatum embodying the
demands of the British Government, was
superseded by his brother, Ix)rd Elgin, and
the French Government again sent out Baron
Gros to represent them. Nothing this time
was to be left to chance. The instruction
given to the plenipotentiaries was to demand
an indemnity enuivalent to live millions for
the losses inflicted upon the two countries
by the non-ratitic.ition of the Treaty. A
reply sent by the Chinese Government to
Mr. Bruce's ultimatum clearly showed that
there was not the smallest chance of securing
peacefully the acceptance of the stipulated
conditions. A blank refusal was given lo the
demand for an iiidenniity and an apology,
and while it was intimated that the British
might perhaps be allowed to proceed lo
Peking by way of Pchtang, it was at the same
time announced that in no circumstances
would the use of the route by Taku and
the Peiho be |-)ermittcd. It was probably
never anticipated that the Peking authorities
would make other than an unfavourable reply.
At all events, the military preparations were
continued without a break as soon as the
word had been given for the despatch of the
expedition. In view of the advent of the
very large body of troops forming the expe-
ditionary force, a lease was obtained in per-
petuity of Kowloon and Stonecutter Island,
positions which from their greater openness
of situation were (ar more healthy than the
which excited a good deal of criticism then
and afterwards, was the occupation of Cluisan
by a body of two thousand British troops.
The island was not subsequently used to
any appreciable extent in the conduct of
€.-
SIR J. HOPE GRANT.
the operations, and its capture had not the
smallest influence on the course of the opera-
tions. The really Important centre at this
juncture was the mouth of the Peiho, where
there was a very nasty reverse to be avenged
and the conviction to be carried to the head-
VALE OF TINGHAI, CHUSAN.
island of Hongkong. Here the troops on
arrival from India or Kiigland were received,
and as the summer advanced an impr>sing
and inspiriting spectacle was presented by
the various camps. The first move, on<i
quarters of the Chinese power thatiiTreaty
rights must be respected. Thither by-degrees
the allied forces were despatched, Shanghai
being made an advanced base. There was
considerable delay 'due to differences of
opinion between the British and French
commanders as to the plan of campaign.
Kventually, about a year after tlie faihiie of
Admiral Hope's effort to force the passage
of the river, all was in readiness for the
execution of a plan mutually agreed upon to
attack and capture Pehtang and take the Taku
forts in the rear. The troojis, wlio were led
by Sir Hope Grant in person, effected a
landing without opposition, and they bivou-
acked for the night on an elevated causeway
near the shore. A reconnaissance tlie next
morning showed tliat the enemy had evacuated
the fort which guarded the spot, but they
had thoughtfully left a mine to be exploded
by the moving of some gunlocks, which
were placed where they were certain to be
trodden upon by the incoming troops. For-
tunately the trick was exposed in time, with
the result that the trap was avoided. Pushing
into the country after three days of Inaclion,
reconnoitring parties came across a strongly
entrenched Chinese camp, from whicli a
heavy lire was opened, compelling the Hiitisli
to withdraw. As this camp commanded
the road leading to the interior it was obvious
that it must be carried, but the position pre-
sented very considerable dilTiculties to an
attacking force, owing to the circumstance
that the country all about was litlle better
than a swamp. The discovery by Colonel
(afterwards Lord) VVolseley of a cart track
suitable for the passage of troops suggested
the possibility of a flank movement and to
some extent improved the situation. But
with an enemy more enterprising than the
Chinese the assault would have been a matter
of great danger. As it was the obstacles
proved so formidable that it seemed at one
time that the movement would have to be
abandoned or at least deferred. Describing
the niarcli subsequently. Sir Hope Grant
wrote: "The horses got bogged, the guns
sunk up lo their axletrees, and the waggons
stuck fast. At last we were compelled to
leave the waggon bodies behind us, and
content ourselves with the gun and waggon
limbers." In the end, however, dogged per-
sistence and pluck carried the day. The
enemy's position was vigorously attacked on
the flank as well as in front, and after a brief
resistance the Chinese defenders broke and
lied. But this fight was only a preliminary
to another and more stubborn engagement.
Beyond the village of Sinho, which the allied
troops had captured, was the far more impor-
tant position of Tangku, a strongly fortified
village protected by well-placed batteries. An
attack was made on this by the expeditionary
force as soon as a careful reconnaissance had
shown the most practicable line of advance.
Thirty-six pieces of ordnance were brought
to bear upon the fortifications, with tlie result
that the Chinese fire was soon got under.
But the defenders, contrary to the usual
practice of the Chinese, still held their ground.
Nor was it until the guns had been brought
almost up to the walls and the men of the
attacking force were streaming in that the
evacuation was begun. The success at Tangku
removed the last obstacle in the way of an
attack on the Taku forts. The only question
was whether attention should be directed first
to the forts on the noi thern or to those on the
souOiern side. Sir Hope Giant was in favour
of an immediate attack on the northern
defences, as in his view their capture would
render the southern forts untenable. General
Montauban took the view that the southern
forts sliould be dealt witli first, but he ulti-
mately agreed to accept the plan of campaign
proposed by his British colleague. On the
2 1st of August, after a series of careful recon-
naissances, the attack opened with a brief
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 77
cannonade from tlie splendid guns of the
expeditionary force. The Chinese replied
with spirit, and it was soon apparent that
the Allies were not to have an easy victory.
One of the principal magazines in the fort
Tientsin, was despatched in hot haste to make
the hest terms he could with the Allies. On
notifying his arrival to Lord Elgin he was
informed that the three indispensalMe con-
ditions of peace were an apology for the
TAKU FROM THE ANCHORAGE.
was exploded by a shell and yet the Chinese
gunners fought on. A series of attempts made
to scale the wall of the fort were baflledwith
heavy loss to the Allies. At length by a happy
chance the British discovered a drawbridge,
and by cutting the ropes which held it up
they secured for the attacking party an easy
means of access. The Chinese fought to the
last and it was computed that out of a
garrison of five hundred but one hundred
escaped. On the side of the Allies the
losses were considerable : the British alone
had 22 killed and 179 wounded. The en-
gagement, however, was a decisive one.
Pour other forts on the northern side were
captured without loss, and the southern forts
surrendered without a shot being fired. It
only remained for the positions to be formally
occupied on August 22nd simultaneously with
the entrance of the fleet into the river.
Before the affair of Tangku overtures for
peace had been received from Peking, but in
view of earlier contretemps brought about by
a too precipitate acceptance of negotiations it
was deemed advisable by the representatives
of the Allies to settle the business of the Taku
forts before bringing diplomacy into play.
Even after the positions had fallen the Allies
manifested no disposition to abandon the
sword for the pen. An immediate advance
to Tientsin was commenced. Touch was
obtained with that place on the 23rd of
August, and in three days the bulk of the
expeditionary force had reached the city.
No resistance was encountered from the
regular Chinese forces, and the inhabitants
showed what in the circumstances was an
amazing disposition to turn the invasion to
account by opening up a brisk trade with the
troops. In the meantime communication had
been established with the Chinese authorities.
The logic of events had driven home into the
imperial brain the necessity of action, and
Kweiliang, who had negotiated the Treaty of
attack on the British flag at the Peiho, the
payment of an indemnity including the cost
of the war, and the ratiiicatlon and execution
of the Treaty of Tientsin, including the
to Tungchow, within 12 miles of Peking,
a distinctly uncompromising attilude was
taken up. Finding that the object of the
negotiations was only to gain time, and being
anxious to complete the campaign before
the approach of the winter season, the
allied representatives decided to continue the
advance. The first detachment, fifteen hun-
dred strong, accompanied by Lord Elgin and
Sir Hope Grant, marched out on the 8th of
September and camped at the village of
Hosiwu, about half way to the capital. The
strength of the advanced force having been
brought up to a division, the advance was
resumed a few days later. No opposition
was encountered until the expeditionary
force reached Chan-chia-wan, a point some
distance further on the road, when the way
was found blocked by a large army.
Throughout the march from Tientsin the
semblance of diplomatic courtesy had been
kept up. The British leaders were in
constant communication with the Chinese
officials, and no outward demonstration of
hostility had been encountered. So pacific
was the outlook that on the day prior to Sir
Hope Grant's getting into touch with the
Chinese forces, a party consisting of Mr.
Parkes, Mr. Henry Loch (afterwards Lord
Lochi, Mr. De Normann, and Mr. Bowlby
(the latter the special correspondent of the
Times) had been despatched, with an escort
of six English dragoons and twenty Sikh
cavalry-men, to arrange the final preliminaries
for the camping of the expeditionary force
at Tungchow, and the interviews with the
representatives of the Chinese Government.
The members of this body looked forward
to some interesting experiences, but they
were totally unprepared for the staLtlIng
adventures which fell to their lot. The
journey to Tungchow was made without
incident. At one or two points the riders
were challenged by military parties, but on
A STREET-£SCENEj IN [TIENTSIN.
clause which provided for tlic reception of
a British representative at Peking. No great
objection was urged to any of the conditions
by Kweiliang, but when it became known
that it was proposed to march the army
intimating that they were proceeding to the
quarters of the imperial commissioners they
were at once allowed to pass. There was
even a friendliness shown, as, for example,
at one point where a Mandarin of high
78 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
rank rode up, and announcing himseU as the
cvMnmander of the Chinese troops at Sinho,
intimated that there would be peace now,
and expressed a desire to take by the hand
those who flight him on that day. The
visitors had not been at Tungehow long,
however, before they disi-overcd that all
was not to be pUiin sailing. The commis-
sioners, whether owing to direct orders from
the Emperor, or to the knowledge which
was brought them that a great military
force had been brought upon the scene, in
the place of the former courtesy assumed
an arrogant, almost offensive, attitude.
They placed all sorts of obst:icles in the
way of an arrangement, and it was only
after four hours' discussion that they could
be brought to assent to plans for the
accommodation of the expeditionary force.
There seems very little doubt now that
they were utilising the negotiations simply
for purpt>ses of delay — to allow of the
advancing Chinese troops to close in more
effcx'tually upon the invading force. But
Mr. Parkes, though suspicious of the bona
missioners and extricating from the dubious
position in which they were placed the
main body of the escort, which, with
Messrs. De Normann, Bowlby, and Anderson,
had been left there to point out the
champing ground to the expeditionary force
on its arrival. Mr. Loch performed his task
with difficulty, but he was not content that
his mission should end there. He thought
that his duty impelled him to return to tlie
Chinese lines to help his quondam associates
out of their difficulty, so tak ng Captain
Braba/.on and an escort of two Sikhs with
him, he rode as fast as he could through
the enemy's ranks to Tungchow. The party
had an uneventful ride, and on arriving at
Tungchow they found that the British
members of the party were away in the
town shopping, in blissful ignorance of the
critical position of affairs. There was,
however, a letter from Mr. Parkes instruct-
ing the officers to prepare for instant flight,
and stating that he was himself seeking
Prince Tsai. Not long afterwards the entire
party met to face what was momentarily
VIEW FROM THE WALL, PEKING.
fiilcs of the Mandarins, did not divine the
true state of affairs until he was on his
way back to the British camp on the
following morning. Then he realised only
too well what the true position was. On
every side troops were encountered, ob-
viously collected for the execution of some
grand coup. Taking in the situation as he
passed along, the dense masses of cavalry
ready for instant action, the guns being
placed in position, and the marching and
countermarching of considerable bodies of
braves, Mr. Parkes had not the slightest
difficulty in underst^inding that the object
of the Chinese was to attack the expe-
ditionary force at a disadvantage. Imme-
diately the truth dawned upon him he
took steps which seemed to him to be
demanded by the occasion. He first of all
despatched Mr. Uxrh with two Sikhs, to
carry to Sir Hope Grant the news of what
he had to expect. He himself decided to
return to Tungchow, for the double purpose
of demanding an explanation of the com-
becoming a more dangerous situation. Mr.
Parkes' interview with Prince Tsai left not
the smallest doubt that war was intended,
and apart from this, there were sufficiently
ominous movements visible to show that the
sword was to be drawn, if it was not
already out of its scabbard. It was speedily
decided to make a bold bid for safety. This
could only be done by riding with the least
possible delay back to the British lines.
But the expeditionary force was lo miles
away, and it was known that, according to
an understanding arrived at between Mr.
Loch and Sir Hope Grant, the British attack
would be delivered at the expiration of two
hours from the time of the former's depar-
ture. With none too confident feelings,
therefore, the little band of Britons com-
menced their journey. All went well until
they had passed through Chan-chia-wan.
Then they found themselves in the rear of
the Chinese army, with the battle already
raging in front. After a council of war it
was decided not to take a direct course, but to
endeavour to get round the riglit flank of
the Chinese force and by a detour reach
the British lines. When an attempt was
made to give effect to this decision the
Chinese innnediately interfered. The British
were told by a Mandarin that if they
persisted they would be fired on, but that if
they would accompany him to the general's
presence he would procure a safe conduct
for them. The offer was peiforce accepted,
and Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch, separating
themselves from their companions, and
attended only by a Sikh trooper, rode off
in search of Sankolinsin. the Chinese general.
They came suddenly upon a large body of
infantry, who attacked them with such
ferocity that they would inevitably have
been killed, but for the intervention of the
Mandarins, who rushed between them and
their men and comniaiuled the latter not
to fire. Sankolinsin, on being encountered
shortly afterwards, treated the representa-
tions made to him with scornful flippancy.
By his orders the unfortunate Britishers
were dragged from tlieir horses and sub-
jected to all manner of indignities, and
finally were despatched prisoners to Peking.
The remainder of the party were later
subjected lo similar ill-treatment and fol-
lowed their companions in misfortune to the
Chinese capital.
The battle meanwhile was proceeding
rapidly to its inevitable culmination. In the
final dispositions for the struggle tlie French
had taken up position on the right, and they
early became vigorously engaged with the
best portion of Sankolinsin's troops. The
Tartar cavalry charged the guns with so
much spirit that a battery narrowly missed
falling into their hands. This charge was
met by a counter charge, which, however,
produced little effect on the dense masses of
the enemy. Sir Hope Grant, fearing the
prolongation of the conflict, decided to assail
the enemy's left vigorously. The movement
was carried out very effectively, the great
feature of it being a brilliant charge by soir.e
squadrons of Probyn's Horse. The enemy
now began to give ground slowly. Their
pnigress rearwards might have been hastened
liad not the French been too exhausted to
participate further in the fight. Sir Hope
Grant, making the best use of available
material, was, however, able before night
fell to occupy Chan-chia-wan and drive the
enemy out of a strong camp one mile on the
other side of the town. The British com-
mander was under no misapprehension as to
the character of his victory. The Chinese,
though beaten, were not demoralised. They
had fought bravely and well, and there was
no reason why they should not again measure
swords with the expeditionary foix'e. In the
circumstances Sir Hope Grant considered
that prudence demanded that he should
strengthen his force witli a view to futui'e
eventualities. He therefore ordered Sir
Robert Napier to join him with all available
troops from the Tientsin garrison. On the
2lst of September Lord Elgin arrived at the
military headquarters, and about the same
time the French troops were reinforced by a
fresh brigade. The hostilities were then
recoriunenced with vigour". The Chinese,
emboldened by the delay, made another
stand at the Palikao bridge whrch crosses
the Peilio west of Tungchow ; but they were
no match for the carefully trained and well
equipped troops pitted against them, and on
the bridge being brilliantly rushed by the
French, they quickly dispersed. Peking was
now practically at the mercy of the invaders.
That the circumstance was appreciated in the
imperial entourage was made manifest the
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 79
next day, when Prince Kung, the Emperor's
brother, forwarded a letter stating that he
had been commissioned to ariange a peace
and asking for the temporary suspension of
hostilities to allow of a discussion of details.
Lord Elgin replied to this communication
with a somewhat stern letter in which he
intimated that there could be no negotiations
for peace until the piisoners in Chinese
custody had been set free. Prince Kung was
warned that if the prisoners were not sent
back in safety the consequences would be
most serious for the Chinese Government.
Prince Kung was indisposed to accept the
view that the prisoners must be released as a
condition precedent to negotiation, and as
after a week he showed no signs of yielding
orders were given for the march of the
expeditionary force to Peking. It was de-
cided by the allied commanders to avoid the
city itself, and to make the Summer Palace
the objective. In pursuance of this plan the
advance was continued, but on the way the
British and French forces became separated,
and though the arrangement was that the
French should bring up the rear, they
managed to get to the common destination
first. Practically no opposition was met with
by either portion of the force. The fact that
on the approach of the invaders the Emperor
had fled to Gehol was no doubt accepted by
the complaisant officialdom as a sufficient
reason why they should not continue the
resistance. Whatever may be the truth on
that point the surrender paved the way for
the infliction of a blow on the imperial
dignity the like of which had never before
in its history been experienced. The despoil-
ing of the Summer Palace was the first step
in this humiliating process. Immediately the
French arrived they promptly proceeded to
sack the beautiful pavilions, scattering and
destroying such of their contents as they
could not take away. " It was pitiful to see
the way in which everything was being
robbed," wrote Sir Hope Grant in describing
the scene which he witnessed on arrival at
the Palace. The work of destruction once
begun in this fashion could not be stopped,
and soon little was left that was worth
taking away. But even when the Palace
had been stripped and left in a condition of
forlorn desolation the heavy hand of the
conqueror was not removed. The reckoning
had to be paid for the outrage perpetrated on
Mr. Parkes and his party. After the Allies
had entered Peking an intimation was received
through Mr. Parkes that he and his fellow
prisoners, French and English, who had
been detained in the Kaon Meaon Temple,
near the Tehshun Gate, were to be surren-
dered on the 8th of October. The story they
told was one which was calculated to fire
the indignation of their countrymen. Insult
upon insult had been heaped upon them, and
outrage upon outrage, and no artifice was
spared to induce them to be false to their
country by furnishing information or using
their influence to its disadvantage. Still, their
lives had been spared, and in view of this
fact and of the extreme anxiety displayed by
Prince Kung, the representative of the Chinese
Government with whom he had to deal to
ariange a peace. Lord Elgin deemed it
expedient not to press the matter too far. He
did not know then the story of the other
prisoners who had been separated from
Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch. That was a
melancholy sequel reserved until the arrival
of eight Sikhs and a Frenchman who were
of the party which had been made captive
after the seizure of Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch.
It appeared from the accounts of the Sikhs
that the five Englishmen who were of the
number had been bound with ropes and
maltreated with fiendish ingenuity. Under
the terrible strain Lieut. Anderson, one of the
Dragoon officers, became delirious, and died
on the ninth day of the captivity. A week
later Mr. de Normann died, and he was
followed to the grave at short intervals by
the other Europeans. Such a monstrous
crime against civilisation and humanity called
aloird for vengeance, and Lord Elgin, though
extremely anxious to conclude peace, decided
that before terms could be settled some signal
step must be taken to indicate to the Chinese
populace the detestation in which the treat-
ment of the prisoners was held by their
countrymen. When the question of the
character of the punitive act came to be
considered there was no doubt entertained
by the British representatives that the most
sti'iking and appropriate retribution which
could be exacted was the destruction of the
Summer Palace. Strangely enough, having
regard to the earlier action of the French
troops at the Palace, the French commander
declined to be associated with this measure.
of the palace. The circumstances under
which the settlement was concluded were
such as to leave an indelible impress upon
the mind of the Chinese populace of the
completeness of the victory won. To Mr.
Parkes and Mr. Loch was entrusted the duty
of selecting a suitable place for the ratifica-
tion of the treaty. Hiding through the streets
of the city at the head of an escort of British
and Sikh cavalry, they decided that the Hall
of Ceremonies was the building best adapted
for the purpose. The Chinese, who had
recently seen the two oflicials as helpless
captives, could not fail to have read in this
triumphal entry, in which they figured as the
leaders, a lesson not readily to be forgotten.
Nor were they likely to have missed the sig-
nificance of the selection by Lord Elgin and
Baron dc Gros as their place of temporary
residence in Peking the palace of Prince Tsai,
whose hostile action and attitude towards
the Allies throughout had been particularly
marked.
The ceremony of ratification took place on
October 24th, amid every circumstance which
A VIEW IN PEKING.
the necessity for which he failed to recognise.
Lord Elgin and Sir Hope Grant, however,
were quite prepared to accept all responsi-
bility, and in due course — on the i8th of
October — the Summer Palace was set on fire
and utterly destroyed. Nothing in the whole
of the campaign more impressed the Chinese
mind than this act of vengeance. " It was,"
wrote Lord Wolseley in his narrative of the
war, " the stamp which gave an unmistak-
able reality to our work of vengeance, proving
that Lord Elgin's last letter was no idle
threat, and warning them of what they might
expect in the capital itself unless they accepted
our proffered terms. The Imperial Palace
within the city still remained untouched ;
and if they wished to save the last remaining
place for their master it behoved them to
lose no time. I feel convinced that the
burning of Yuen-min-yuen considerably
hastened the final settlement of affairs and
strengthened our ambassador's position."
The arrangement of the peace terms, at all
events, followed swiftly on the destruction
could lend it importance. Lord Elgin pro-
ceeded in a chair of state to the Hall of
Ceremonies accompanied by a brilliant suite,
and also by Sir Hope Grant with an escort
of one hundred officers and five hundred
troops. Prince Kung, with an imposing body
of Mandarins, attended to submit the necessary
imperial authorisation to the conclusion of
peace and to affix the imperial seal to the
treaty. He was extreirrely nervous — "anxious
and hesitating " was Mr. Loch's description
of his attitude — but the general impression
left was of an amiable young man who
had passed through a trying ordeal with
dignity. The work in coimection with the
treaty was not considered to be at an end
until the Emperor's edict for its publication
had been received from Gehol. That,
however, only entailed a delay of a few
days, and by the gth of November the last
of the allied troops had left Peking on
their homeward journey. Lord Elgin also
departed about the same time, leaving Mr.
Frederick Bruce behind as first Resident
80 TWENTIETH CENTURY l3lPRES^IONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
Minister to the Chinese Court. The Treaty
of Peking, besides pro\iding (or the making
of reiviration for the outrages upon British
subjects and the payment of an indemnity
of eight million taels to cover the expenses
of the war, amplitied and extended in im-
portant directions the facilities for trade.
One of its clauses threw Tientsin o(Ten to
foreign trade ; anotlicr provision ceded to the
British the KowKxin peninsula at Hongkong,
which, as has been noticed, was already
leased to the Hongkong Government ; and a
further stipulation which was to have a
powerful influence on British trade was
that there should be freedom granted to
Chinese subjects to emigrate to British
colonies. But, of course, tlie greatest achieve-
ment of all of the Treaty w.is to settle for
ever the long discussed question of direct
diplomatic intercourse with the Chinese
Government. The liberty granted by the
Treaty to send representatives to Peking was
not confined to the Allies. Like other con-
cessions wrung from the Chinese Government
by fi>rce of arms it was of general application,
and it was not long before Mr. Bruce and
his French colleague had to keep them in
countenance in the Chinese capital represen-
tatives of otlier foreign powers. A new era,
in fact, was opened up by tlie Treaty — an
era frauglit with nnich prosperity for foreign
trade, and not a little peril for the imperial
Chhiese authority.
CHAPTER XIV.
Progress of Hongkong — Popular Element introduced into the Legislative Council — Stormy closing days of Sir
John Bowring's Administration — Sir Hercules Robinson's Administration — The Kowloon Peninsula — Prosperous
Days followed by a Period of Depression — Sir R. G. MacDonnell's Administration — Financial Reform — The
Stamp Act — Disputes with the Colonial Office over the Gambling Licences — " The Blockade of Hongkong " —
Prosperous Trade — Sir A. E. Kennedy's Administration — Sir J. Pope-Hennessy's stormy Rule.
Ix tracing the history of Anglo-Chinese rela-
tions in the impoi tant period which concluded
with the ratification of the Treaty of Peking,
we have necessarily had to overkxik the de-
velopment of the great colonial experiment
which was entered upon with the occupation
of Hongkong. Our last glimpse of the Colony
was a sombre one. A small comnumity was
maintaining an arduous struggle against heavy
odds with only a faint prospect of ultimate
success. The commercial position, which, as
we have seen, was gradually improving in 1847,
continued to gain strength, though slowly, in
the administration of Sir George Bonham. In
other respects progress was made. It is to this
period that is to be dated the introduction of
the popular element into the government of
the Colony. At the end of 1849 Sir George
Bonham selected fifteen of the unoHicial
Justices of the Peace and summoned them
to a conference. He informed them that Earl
Grey had sanctioned his propositi for the
admission of two members of the civil com-
munity into the Legislative Council, that the
nomination rested with him, but that he
thought it better for the justices themselves
to elect two of their number. At a meeting
of the justices held at the club on December
6, 1849, Messrs. David Jardine and J. F. Edger
were nominated as the first unofficial mem-
bers of the Legislative Council. Another
important matter discussed at the same
conference was the question of Municipal
Government. Sir G. Bonham, while agree-
ing with the principle that taxpayers should
have control of their municipal affairs,
doubted whether such a scheme was prac-
ticable in Hongkong. However, he requested
the justices to consult on the question of a
Municipal Committee of Police Commissioners.
The justices passed a resolution to the effect
that no advantage could be derived from
having a Municipal Council unless the entire
managenient of the police of the streets and
roads within the limits of the town, and of
all other matters usually given to corporations,
were confided to it, and that the amount raised
in land rents, together with the sums derived
from licences and rents, should, with the police
assessments, be applicable as far as possible
for municipal purposes. The demands made
were imp<»sible ones in the then circum-
stances of the Colony, and they were rejected.
But in January, 1851, Sir George Bonham
offered to place the wliole management of the
police under a Municipal Committee on the
condition that the entire expense of the police
force was defrayed by an adequate police tax.
He also agreed to hand over to a municipal
authority the management of streets, roads,
and sewers on condition that the requisite
funds were provided either by an assessed
tax on real property or by a tax upon hoises
and carriages. Both offers were declined by
the justices, and here the matter ended for
the time.
Sir John Bowring's administration witnessed
the steady growth of the community in in-
fluence and importance, but unhappily during
the later years of his term of office the Colony
was torn with internecine disputes — " an
internal chronic warfare, the acerbities of
which beggared all description " is Dr. Eitel's
picturesque but absolutely accurate descrip-
tion of the condition of affairs. The initial
disturbing element was a newspaper pub-
lished under the title of Tlic Friend of China
and edited by a discharged civil servant.
This journal delivered a series of attacks
spread over a long peiiod on the official
classes and particularly on the Lieutenant-
Governor, against whom an allegation of
complicity in corruption was not obscurely
advanced. For years these insinuations were
made without any action being taken, but
ultimately the editor was prosecuted, and
on September 21, 1859, sentenced to a
term of imprisonment for libel. Before this
drastic retribution had been meted out a
charge had been made by another paper — Tlic
Daily Press — against the Kegistrar-Geneial,
who was accused of being the tool of un-
scrupulous conspirators and in league with
pirates. The Registrar-General, consequent
upon the charge, sent in his papers, but the
Government, having perfect confidence in him,
induced him to withdraw his resignation.
This event happened in 1856. Less than two
years later Tlie Daily Press again distinguished
itself by charging the Governor with cor-
ruptly favouring the firm of Jardine, Matheson
& Co. in the matter of public contracts, but
this time it had reckoned too much on the
official tolerance of scurrility, for Sir John
Bowring caused a prosecution to be instituted
against the paper, with the result that the
editor was sent to gaol for- six months. An
Attorney-General, a politician who had been
sent out from home for the not uncommon
reason that he was a nuisance there, added
to the liveliness of the situation by quarrelling
with nearly everybody, and tapping all by
charging the Acting Colonial Secretary with
collusion with the new opium farmer, from
whom he accepted a retainer. A commission
appointed to inquire into the matter exonerated
the accused official of any dishonourable con-
duct, though it held that some slight blame
attached to him. Fresh chaiges arising out of
this incident were brought by the Attorney-
General, notably one wliich attributed to him
the burning of the account hooks of a con-
victed pirate to screen himself and the
Kegistrar-Geneial fiom a charge of complicity
with pirates. The outcome of the business
was the suspension of the Attorney-General
by the Governor and the reference of the
matter to England. The Secretaiy of State
in his reply exonerated the Acting Colonial
Secretary, but that officer voluntarily resigned
his office on August 28, 1858. .4n action
subsequently brought against The Friend of
China for libel in connection with the repe^;
tition of the charge anent the burning of the
pirate's books, resulted in a verdict of not
guilty and the awarding of costs against the
Government. An incident which heightened
the public interest in the proceedings was
the hurried departure of Sir John Bowring
to Manila to avoid service of a subpcena in
the case. The scene of the conflict was now
transferred to England, where the Attorney-
General started an agitation with a view to
compelling the Government to take action
for the vindication of the national honour,
which was supposed to have been impugned
by the conduct of the Registiar and the
Acting Colonial Secretary. The movement,
though skilfully directed, came to very little.
The Government spokesman in the House
of Commons, while promising a careful
inquiry into the facts, stated that a dis-
passioiiate consideration of the papers induced
the Government to come to the view that
the Governor's decision as to the suspension
of the Attorney-General must be confirmed.
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONOKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 81
The Tillies on March 15, 1859, caustically
commented on the state of affairs at Hong-
kong which the controversy disclosed.
"Hongkong," it said, "is always connected
with some fatal pestilence, some doubtful
war or some discreditable internal squabble ;
so much so that, in popular language, the
name of this noisy, bustling, quarrelsome,
discontented little island may not inaptly
be used as a euphemous synonym for a
place not mentionable to ears polite. Every
official's hand is there against his neighbour.
The Governor has run away to seek quiet or
health elsewhere. The Lieutenant-Governor
has been accused of having allowed his ser-
vant to squeeze. The newspaper proprietors
were, of late, all more or less in prison or
going to prison or coming out of prison on
prosecutions by some one or more of the in-
criminated and incriminating officials. The
heads of the mercantile houses hold them-
selves quite aloof from the local disputes and
conduct themselves in a highly dignified
manner, which is one of the chief causes of
the evil. But a section of the community
deal in private slander, which the newspapers
retail in public abuse. Of the Hongkong
Press, w^hich every one is using, prompting,
disavowing and prosecuting, the less we
say the better. A dictator is needed, a
sensible man, a man of tact and firmness.
We cannot aKvays be investigating a storm
in a tea pot where each individual leaf has
its dignity and its grievance."
Sir John Bowring was not happy in his
administration in other respects than those to
which particular reference has been made.
He entered into a quarrel with the Legislative
Council over the construction of a praya or
sea wall, which was to extend along the
whole front of the town from Navy Bay to
Causeway Bay and to be named the Bowring
Praya. I'he project aroused determined oppo-
sition from the mercantile community, the
property of individual members of which
was likely to be adversely affected by the
construction of a wall. A draft bill legalising
the scheme passed its first reading with only
one opponent. But when the Council as-
sembled on F'ebruary 4, 1859, to discuss the
second reading of the measure the Chief
Justice and the Lieutenant - Governor wer e
absent and to the Governor's intense morti-
fication a motion that the Praya scheme be
deferred sine die was carried by six votes
against three. The only votes cast in favour
of the bill were those of the Acting Attorney-
General, the Colonial Treasurer, and the
Auditor-General. The Colonial Secretary, the
Chief Magistrate, and the Surveyor-General
all exercised the luxury of voting against the
Government. The Governor did not question
the right of the official members to vote
according to their convictions, but he gave a
plain indication of what he considered to be
the mainspring of their action by attacking
the system under which public functionaries
like the Attorney-General and the Surveyor-
General were allowed to accept private
practice. In a despatch he wrote: — "The
enormous power and influence of the great
commercial houses in China, when associated
directly or indirectly with personal pecuniary
advantages which they are able to confer on
public officers, who are permitted to be em-
ployed and engaged by them, cannot but
create a conflict between duties not always
coiupatible. . . . One of the peculiar diffi-
culties against which this Government has to
struggle is the enormous influence wielded
by the great and opulent commercial houses
against whose power and in opposition to
whose personal views it is hard to contend."
When Sir John Bowring retired in 1859
the Chinese, as a mark of the genuine esteem
in which he was held among all classes of
the native population, tendered him some
magnificent presents, including a roll of satin
inscribed with tw^o hundred names. In his
autobiographical recollections Sir John Bow-
ring thus refers to his period of service in
Hongkong : — " My career in China belongs
so much to history that I do not feel it need-
ful to record its vicissitudes. I have been
severely blamed for the policy I pursued, yet
that policy has been most beneficial to my
country and to mankind at large. It is not
fair or just to suppose that a course of action,
which may be practicable or prudent at home
will always succeed abroad."
Sir Hercules Kobinson, who succeeded Sir
John Bowring in the office of Governor on
September g, 1859, and administered the
affairs of the Colony for nearly six years,
was an official in every respect qualified for
the difficult post which he had to fill. A
man of strong character, shrewd, tactful, and
with more than a common share of
SIR HERCULES ROBINSON
(Afterwards L.ord Rosmead).
intellectual attainments, he was precisely the
type of administrator to unravel the dis-
creditable tangle into which affairs in the
Colony had got under the rule of his
predecessor. His administration was a
brilliantly successful one and marked the
turning point in the fortunes of the Colony.
His eailiest efforts were directed to a much
needed reform of the civil service. In some
matters he was unable to carry his Council
with him, but he nevertheless contrived to
evolve a new system the main feature of
which was a cadet scheine introduced for
the better government of the Chinese
portion of the inhabitants. Side by side
with these reforms were formulated pro-
posals calculated to induce the Chinese
inhabitants to take a more intelligent interest
in the aff;iirs of the Government. A Chinese
edition of the Goveniiiient Gazelle was issued,
a translation office was organised to secure
the correct publication of all Government
documents, and, finally, the old system of
governing the Chinese through their own
headmen was abandoned in favour of a
system of direct control by the Registrar-
General. Another innovation which met
with less general approval was the intro-
duction of rules designed to deprive the
official members of the privilege of indepen-
dent voting which they had exercised to Sir
John Bowring's marked discoinfiture. The
power is probably one which cannot be dis-
pensed with in a crown colony system of
government in which the autocratic principle
necessarily is in the ascendant, but the
position was not so well understo<Kl a half
century ago as it is to-day, and there was
much grumbling at the limitations imposed
on the Council. Sir Hercules Kobinson,
however, pursued his course undeterred by
hostile criticism and the proceedings of the
Council were kept by him in a groove which
left little room for the violent surprises
which had characterised its history in an
earlier period. There was only one occasion
on which the Governor had any difficulty in
enforcing the rule of official solidarity in
voting. This was in 1865 when the question
of the payment of a military contribution to
the imperial funds came up for considera-
tion. Owing to the improvement in finances
brought about by Sir Hercules Robinson's
strong administration the Home Government
deemed that the Colony was prosperous
enough to contribute something to the up-
keep of the garrison, and in 1864 put in a
demand for ;^2o,ooo a year for five years.
The claim was strongly resisted by the
Government on the grounds that Hongkong
was an imperial rather than a local station,
that owing to its insular position it required
no military protection, that its finances were
not equal to the strain which such a contri-
bution would make upon them ; and that the
Colony had already contributed in the shape
of land for naval and military purposes to
the cost of the military garrison. In spite of
these representations, however, the demand
was insisted upon, and the Governor had no
alternative but to include the military contri-
bution asked in the estimates for 1865. On
the proposals being brought up for decision,
they were opposed by all the unofficial
members and also by the Colonial Treasurer,
and in the end were only carried by the
casting vote of the Governor. The Colonial
Treasurer got a severe wigging subsequently
from the Secretary of State for his indepen-
dent action. But that he had strong
sympathies on his side was shown by the
action of the Council in passing a resolution
subscribed to by all the official members
(excepting the Chief Justice) apprising "that
the maintenance of troops in Hongkong is
not necessary purely for the protection of
Colonial interests or the security of the
inhabitants, and that the Colonial revenue
cannot fairly be charged with any contri-
bution towards the Imperial military expen-
diture in China and Japan."
The cession of the Kowloon Peninsula
under the terms of the Peking Convention
was one of the leading events of Sir
Hercules Robinson's administration. The
ceremony of handing over the territory
took place on January 19, 1861, amid much
pomp. At the outset a Mandaiin tendered
to Lord Elgin a paper containing soil in
token of the cession. Then the Royal
Standard was hoisted amid the salutes fired
by the men-of-war in harbour, and by a
battery on Stonecutter's Island. An acute
controversy arose out of the cession of
Kowloon between the military and the civil
authorities. The former urged that the
idea of appropriating the peninsula had
originated with them, that the Colonial Office
had approved of its appropriation for military
82 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
purposes, and that consequenlly it should
be converted into a purely military canton-
ment To this view Sir Hercules Robinson
on behalf o( the Government offered strenuous
opposition. He nuuntained that the civil
had been prosecuted in a desultory way, and
a gixKl proportion of wall was completed
in 1862, but the masonry was ilcficient in
solidity and palpably would not stand the
strain of a storm. Sir Hercules Robinson
FORT VICTORIA, KOWLOON.
(From Alloni & Wright's "China.")
authorities oiiginally mooted the question of
the acquisition, and that in doing so they
had in view the necessity of providing for
the wants of the general population as well
as of the military garrison. He strongly
urged that the peninsula was indispensable
to the welfare of the Colony, inasmuch as
it was required to keep the Chinese popula-
tion at some distance, and to preserve the
European and American community from
the injury and inconvenience of intermixture
with the Chinese residents. The Imperial
Government, with a strange disregard of
colonial interests, decided in favour of the
military view. The ultimate decision given
in 1864 e.xtended the military occupation over
the bulk of the peninsula and gave them
prescriptive rights over the remaining area,
which was divided between the Colony
and the navy.
The construction of public works occupied
a leading place in the work of Sir Hercules
Robinson's administration. Early in his term
of office he invited plans for a scheme of
water supply, which had been tentatively
discussed in liis predecessor's time. Elaborate
plans were sent in by several competitors,
and ultimately those of Mr. S. B. Rawling,
Clerk of the Works of the Royal Engineers.
were selected by the committee appointed
to adjudicate in the matter. Tenders were
immediately called for, and an ordinance
was passed empowering the Governor to
appropriate from current revenues the sum
of £^30,000 as the works proceeded, and to
supply any deficiency of funds if necessary
by mortgaging the water rate at 2 per
cent, on the gross annual value of house
property according to assessment. In 1863
the work was completed and was hailed as
a great success. But events s<K)n proved its
inadequacy for the needs of the Colony. '
Another prf)ject with which Sir Hercules
Robinson closely identified himself was Sir
John Bowring's much criticised scheme for
the construction of a sea wall. The work
decided to rebuild the whole praya wall,
and to use the opportunity which the works
afforded of extending the praya seawards by
reclaiming from the sea a further strip of
land 100 feet in width. He soon found, as
his predecessor had done, that he had to
reckon with a determined opposition from
the marine lot holders Eventually Sir
Hercules Robinson so far yielded as to inti-
mate that the extension would not be enforced
where not desired by the lot holders.
In many ways Sir Hercules Robinson left
a vigoious impress upon the Colony. During
his administration it advanced to a very
marked extent on the path of prosperity.
This was not altogether due to his woik, but
there can be no question that with a less
able man at the helm or one who had a
lower sense of dignity and discipline, the
position might have been a very different
one to what it was when he quitted Hong-
kong in 1865. Sir Hercules Robinson's
influence is seen in the linancial statistics of
the Colony. When he went to the island the
revenue was only ;£;65,226 ; on his departiue
the exchequer receipts were more than
double that sum. The position is best illus-
trated by the following figures, showing the
revenue and expenditure of the Colony over
a series of years from the time of the occu-
pation : —
Year.
Revenue.
Kxpeiiditure.
£
£
1846
27,046
68,351
1847
31,078
.50,959
1848
25,091
62,658
1849
23,616
38,986
1850
23,526
34,314
1851
23,72 ■
34,115
1852
21,331
34,765
1853
24,700
,36,418
I8.S4
27,054
34,635
>«.S5
47,973
40,813
1856
3.S.500
42,426
1857
5«,«42
65,497
1858
62,486
62,979
1859
65,226
66, 1 09
i860
94.182
72,390
1861
127,241
109,632
1862
i3",5'2
122,223
1863
120,028
121,888
1864
132,884
259,022
1865
—
SIR ROBERT G. MAODONNELL, C.B.
(Governor, tloiigkong, 1H6O-7I-)
The progressive increase in the revenue
it will be noted dates from 1857 — two years
before Sir Hercules Robinson appeared on
the scene. While this fact indicates that
the tide, of good fortune had already set in
strongly when he was appointed, the greatly
accelerated pace at wliich tlie revenue in-
creased during his adniinistralioii may fairly
be attributed in considerable measure to his
successful government and the confidence it
inspired in quarters where confidence implied
commercial support.
The spell of prosperity which marked Sir
Hercules Robinson's term of office was unfor-
tunately not maintained. Almost as so<m as
he had left the Colony black clouds began to
fill the financial horizon. The effect of the
monetary crisis in Europe was felt in Hong-
kong. Property was seriously depreciated
and counnercial transactions on all sides were
restricted. "Yet," says Dr. Eitel, "public
works, the praya, the new gaol, the mint,
the waterworks, the sea wall at Kowloon,
commenced or constructed in a period of un-
exampled prosperity, had now to be carried
on, completed, or maintained, from the scanty
resources of an impoverished and well-nigh
insolvent treasury." Nor were financial diffi-
culties alone the obstacles with which the
Government had to contend. " New laws
were clearly needed for the regulation of the
Chinese, whose gambling habits were tilling
the streets with riot and honeycombing the
police force with corruption. Crime was lam-
pant, and the gaols overflowing with prisoners.
Piracv, flourishing as ever before, was be-
lieveci to have not only its secret lairs among
the low class of marine store dealers, but the
support of wealthy Chinese linns, and to enjoy
the connivance of men in the police force.
A sense of insecurity as to life and property
was again, as in days gone by, taking jiosses-
sion of the public mind." In these depress-
ing circumstances Sir R. G. MacDoiniell, who
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPEESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
83
had been appointed Sir Hercules Robinson's
successor, toolc up the reins of office on
March ii, 1866, after an interrejjnuni of
twelve months, during whicli the Hon. W. T.
Mercer, a former Colonial Secretary, adminis-
tered the Government. The new Governor
was greatly surprised at the slate of affairs
which confronted him, as he had been led to
e.xpect to find a colony with an oveiflow-
ing treasury and a prosperous and contented
community. He set to work with energy to
straigiiten things out once more. As the
stress was to a large extent the product of
monetary trouble, it was to finance that he
gave his first consideration. The position
with which he had to deal was no ordinary
one. In 1865 there was a surplus of assets
over liabilities of $298,000, but llie next year
this had fallen to $184,000, and in January,
1867, there was a mere nominal surplus of
$24,000 made up of unavailable assets. In
1865 there was an excess of expenditure
over reveime of $94,361, and in 1866 this
had increased to $167,877. Sir Robert
MacDonnell effected sensible economies by
readjusting offices in the Civil Service, and
by cutting down redundant expenditure in
all directions. In this way he at once
reduced the outgoings from $936,954 to
$730,916, though the full reduction was only
effected by leaving the military contribution
in arrear. On the revenue side he devised
a lucrative new source of income by putting
in force a stamp act. The measure was
strongly opposed by the commercial com-
munity, and the Chinese traders, as far as
they dared, ignored the enactment when it
was enforced, but as the need of a new
source of revenue was imperative the scheme
was persisted with, and eventually it came
to be recognised as a legitimate and innocuous
means of revenue production. As far as the
finances of the Colony were concerned its
effect was immediate and marked. In 1868,
the first year of its enforcement, the tax
brought in the large sum of $101,000. The
income for the year generally was good, the
revenue reaching the unprecedented sum of
$1,134,105. As the expenditure for the period
was no more than $991,81 1 there was a surplus
of $140,000. The finances of subsequent years
were seriously embarrassed by a difficulty
which arose between the Governor and the
Colonial Office in reference to some measures
for the regulation of gambling houses in the
Colony which the Government introduced.
Sir Robert MacDonnell, conceiving that
gambling was an ineradicable vice of the
Chinese, deemed it better to regulate it than
to make futile efforts to suppress it. He
accordingly decided to introduce the farming
system, under which the right to keep
gambling houses was let out to licensees
for a sum of money. The system was in
force at the Portuguese Colony of Macao,
and it prevails to this day in the Federated
Malay States under quasi British rule. But
at home the idea of any part of the Colonial
revenue being derived from vice was received
with disfavour, and the Colonial Secretary (the
Earl of Carnarvon), while reluctantly giving
permission to a trial of the system, stipulated
that the licence fees must not be farmed
out but treated as matters of police and
not as revenue. Sir Robert MacDonnell in
a despatch pointed out the impossibility of
proceeding by any other method than farming
the licence, and suggested that a discretionary
power should be given to the Governor in
Council to exercise authority under the
ordinance as circumstances might render
expedient. The Duke of Buckingham, who
had succeeded Lord Carnarvon, concurred in
his predecessor's instructions, and expressly
declined to sanction the farming system. In
another despatch he intimated that the licence
fees should be limited to an amount covering
police arrangements connected with the
system. The ordinance having been con-
firmed, with the quilifying conditions in-
dicated. Sir Robert MacDonnell proceeded to
enforce it. The licence fees were, to meet
the demands of the home authorities, placed
in a distinct special fund, which amounted
to $155,000 on May 23, i868, to $221,733
on June 28, 1869, and to $277,334 o"
December 31, 1869, When the scheme had
got fairly under way there was a strong
outburst of indignation from a section of
evangelical churchmen who regarded with
horror the fact that the Government had had
anything to do with the unclean thing. The
agitation commenced in the Colony was
carried to England, and the flames of sectarian
fanaticism were assiduously fanned by the
ex-Attorney-General and the former editor
of the Daily Press, who were glad of the
opportunity afforded of having another fling
at the administration. While this agitation
was proceeding. Sir Robert MacDonnell was
conducting a very lively controversy with
the Colonial Office in reference to the manner
in which he had interpreted his instructions.
The Duke of Buckingham, realising the extent
to which the Government had been com-
mitted, expressed his entire disapproval of
the proceedings, and threatened " to stop
the licensing altogether." Sir Robert, re-
plying to this despatch to Earl Granville,
who had succeeded the Duke at the Colonial
Oflice, alluded to the ducal despatch as
embodying " sweeping comments which im-
plied a general censure on the Hongkong
Government." Earl Granville thereupon
lectured the Governor upon the peculiarly
unbecoming tone of his remarks, and at a
subsequent date passed heavy censure upon
Sir Robert for his dealings with the money
in the special fund and ordered him to pay
back into the fund all unauthorised appro-
priations amounting to $129,701. The end
of the controversy was that the scheme had
to be abandoned and drastic measures of
economy adopted to make up for the de-
ficiency in the revenue caused by the
withdrawal of the appropriations.
Apart from domestic questions. Sir Robert
MacDonnell's administration was of some
importance, in that it coincided with the
raising of some notable controversies affect-
ing the relations of the Colony with the
Chinese Empire. The chief of these was the
question of what came to be known as "the
Blockade of Hongkong " by the Chinese
authorities. The measure referred to was an
effort made to regulate the junk trade
between the Colony and Chinese ports. The
first exercise of the supposititious power was
experienced about the middle of October,
1867, when the steam cruisers of the Canton
Customs, aided by some gunboats, stopped
and searched several native craft leaving the
harbour. Subsequently, the blockade was
rigorously enforced, every junk quitting or
entering the harbour being boarded and
overhauled. In cases where the papers were
not in proper order the junks were detained
and double duty was levied in the case of
goods shipped at Pakhoi and Canton, or other
Treaty ports, by junks which, eti route,
touched at Hongkong. The ostensible object
of the blockade was the prevention of
smuggling, but the effect of it was to impose
heavy disabilities upon the native trade by
driving the shipments made into foreign
bottoms, the freight charges of which were
heavier than those of the junks. Great
indignation was excited amongst the mercan-
tile community at the action of the Chinese
Government, but it was found that the hands
of the Hongkong Government were to some
extent tied, by the fact that the scheme was
suggested to the Chinese Viceroy at Canton
by the British Consul — Mr. (afterwards Sir)
D, B. Robertson. Nevertheless, the Governor
took energetic action within the limits of
what was possible and expedient. He
strengthened the water police force, and
obtained a steam launch lo assist the Colonial
gunboat Victoria in patrolling the Colonial
waters to prevent trespass by the Chinese
craft on the Colonial territorial limits. He
also compelled the Chinese warships to fly a
special official flag as a condition of their
being allowed to anchor in the harbour.
Discovering that the object of the Chinese
Government in instituting the blockade was
to levy a special war tax, called /;*/;;, which
was not only applied to opium but to a large
list of ordinary goods. Sir Robert demanded
of the Canton authorities a copy of the tariff
upon which the charges were based. His
request in this matter was not complied
with, but his energy had unquestionably a
salutary influence in curbing the excessive
zeal of the Chinese officials. Meanwhile, the
local mercantile community had adopted a
strongly worded memorial to the Secretary
of State protesting against the blockade, and
demanding its withdrawal. The agitation
was kept alive by the Chamber of Commerce,
and from time to time vigorous philippics
were delivered against what was regarded
as a subversion of the rights of the Colony.
But the representations had little effect on
the authorities at home, who, animated by
what seemed to Hongkong people as an
overweening desire to keep on good terms
with the Chinese Government, refrained
from taking steps to secure the removal of
the blockade. In the end the Chinese
merchants deemed it wise to pay the imposts
demanded of them, and the system, having
been thus acquiesced in by the parties
most affected, was continued until it became
an established institution. Another matter
of diplomatic interest which agitated the
public opinion of Hongkong at this period
was the appointment of a Chinese consul in
Hongkong. When the proposal for the
establishment of a Chinese consulate in the
Colony was made, strong objection was taken
by the local merchants on the ground that
the power which a Chinese consul would
gain over the local Chinese population would
constitute a veritable imperinm in imperio,
and subject the native community to an
intolerable system of official espionage, and
to the insatiable rapacity of a corrupt
ofticialdom. Sir Rutherford Alcock, then
British Minister at Peking, dismissed these
objections lightly as "fears more or less
chimerical and exaggerated," and the Earl of
Clarendon, Foreign Secretary at the time,
concurred in the main with his views. But
though the establishment of a Chinese
consulate in Hongkong was accepted in
principle, no steps were taken to give effect
to the proposal.
All this time the trade of Hongkong was
advancing rapidly. Many causes contributed
to bring about this result. The opening of
the Suez Canal in 1865 was one important
factor. This important measure gave new
life to the trade of the F"ar East, and
especially to those forms of trade which
from the outset have flourished at Hong-
kong. The establishment of bonding houses
and the formulation of a liberal tariff in
Japan in July, 1866, was another contributory
cause of some moment. Furthermore, the
connection of San Francisco with Hongkong
84 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
by a rcjliilar line of large fast steamers
added greatly to its pri»ix.'rity. The evi-
dences i>f these improved conditions are to
be liHind in the opening on June 15, 1867. of a
new dix-k at Aberdeen and the fonnation of
\'ariou$ joint sttKk enterprises for the im-
pnntmcnt of pi>rt faciUties. There was a
temporar>- check to the Coli>ny's prosperity
at the close i>f iW>6 and in the tieginning
of 1867, but the crisis, though severe while
it lasted, passed away without leaving any
permanent ill effects, and in 1870 there
were abundant pro<>fs forthcoming that the
Colony was commercially quite itself again.
The next >"ear was remarkable for the estab-
lishment of cable communication between
the port and distant parts of the world.
Shanghai was brought into direct touch with
the Colony on May 26th ; New York and
London were coupled up on June Qth. and
Saigon and Singapore on August 1st.
Sir Robert MacDonnell's successor in the
Governorship was Sir Arthur E. Kennedy,
who had previously served in leading ad-
ministrative c-apacities in Western Australia
and West Africa, His administration, which
extended from April i6, 1872, to March i,
1877, was an uneventful one. The matters
of chief interest which occupied the attention
of the community were a series of incidents
arising out of the Chinese blockade of the
port which was continued with, if anything,
increased rigour. Yielding to merc-antile
pressure the Governor app<«iited a com-
mission to inquire into abuses connected
with the action of the Chinese maritime
customs. The report supported the views
of the local community but it had no in-
fluence on the Home Government, which
was too definitely committed to a policy of
non-interference to take action in the direc-
tion desired. The arrest, in May, 1874, of a
Chinese revenue junk caught in the act of
firing at lishing boats in colonial territorial
waters seemed to promise a new develop-
ment, but the Chinese Government having
tendered ample apologies for the incident,
and promised to punish the offenders, the
Attorney-General was ordered to enter a
nolle prosequi in the proceedings which had
btx-n instituted in the High Court against the
men. and the episode was thus quietly
closed. Memorials continued to be sent
home against the system, including one from
the Chamt)er of Commerce on August 3,
1874, in which the blockade was condemned
as an organised invasion of the freedom and
sanctuary of the port. Lord Carnarvon, the
then Sccretaiy of State, in replying to these
representations, while admitting that abuses
had (Kcurred in connection with the action
of the Chinese revenue cruisers, denied that
the exercise of the right of search in close
proximity to Hongkong affected the freedom
of the port and afforded valid excuse for
diplomatic remonstrance. I^rd Carnavon
subsequently saw fit to mtxlify these views,
and it was announced in January, 1876, that
the Home Government were of opinion that
the comnmnity of Hongkong really had a
grievance and were entitled to relief. Sir
Arthur Kennedy afterwards submitted a
series of proposals for the future regulation
of the junk trade. These were (i) that all
Chinese cruisers should be prohibited inter-
fering with Hongkong junks, except those of
the Hoppo ; (2) that a definite Chinese tariff
of import and export duties, applicable to
Hongkong junks, and fixed regulations for.
the Hoppo's dealings with Hongkong junk
masters be published and adhered to ; (3)
that a joint board should be appointed to
investigate all complaints of illegal sei2ure.
The suggestions, which were endorsed
by the ChaniK-r of Commerce, were sent
home, and ultimately fornicd the basis of
discussions which were conducted between
Sir Thomas Wade, the Biitish Minister at
Peking, and the Tsung li Yamen. The two
first proposals were rejected by the Chinese
Government and a modilication of the third
was embodied in the Chefoo Convention in
the form of an arrangement for the creation
of a mixed commission consisting of a
British consul, a Hongkong oflicer, and a
Chinese official to arrange a set of regula-
tions calculated to benefit the revenue
collection of China without interfering with
the counnercial interests of Hongkong.
A tremendous typhoon, which is accurately
described by Hongkong's historian as " the
severest disaster that ever befell the Colony
of Hongkong," burst over the island on
the evening of September 22, 1874. " On
the morning of September 23, 1874," says
Dr. Eitel, " the town looked as if it had
undergone a teiritic bombardment. Thousands
of houses were unroofed, hundreds of Euro-
pean and Chinese dwellings were in ruins,
large trees had been torn out by the roots
SIR ARTHUR KENNEDY.
and hurled to a distance, most of the streets
were impassable, being obstructed by fallen
trees, roof timbers, window frames and
mounds of soil thrown up by the bursting of
drains. Business was at a complete standstill
for several days. The praya was covered
with wrecked sampans and the debris of junks
and ships, whilst in every direction dead
bodies were seen floating about or scattered
along the ruins of what was once the praya
wall. Thirty-five foreign vessels, trusting in
their anchors, were wrecked or badly injured.
Over two thousand lives were lost in the
harbour within the space of about six hours,
during which time the screams of the
Chinese in distress on the water were heard
by residents on the upper levels of the
town, to rise above the terrific din of the
storm. . . The amount of property destroyed
in Hongkong within those terrible six hours
was estimated at five million dollars."
Chequered as had been the history of
Hongkong, the period upon which it entered
after the retirement of Sir A. E. Kennedy
was to be memorable for its unrest and
excitement. The new Governor was Mr.
(afterwards Sir) John Pope-Hennessy, an
Irish Conservative who, as a member of the
House of Commons from 1859 to 1865,
attracted Disraeli's notice, more because of
his political views than from any great
regard for his personality. Mr. Pope-
Hennessy entered the colonial service as
Governor of Labuan and Consul-General of
Borneo in 1867, and he subsequently served
as Governor of the West .African Settle-
ments, of the Bahamas, and of the Wind-
ward Islands. He was a man of peculiar
temperament and endowed with more than
a common share of the pugnacity which is
traditionally attributed to his race. Both at
the Bahamas and the Windward Islands
he was in continual hot water, owing to
his indiscreet championing of the interests
of the native community. So bad did
the relations between himself and the
European community at length become
that a strong movement was set on foot for
his recall, and ultimately he was withdrawn.
In Hongkong he was received (on April 22,
1877) without prejudice, though with no
excess of enthusiasm. But he had not been
in office long before he gave a taste of his
peculiar qualities. In October, 1878, after a
series of minor incidents illustrative of the
Governor's facility for creating trouble, the
community were startled and outraged by
the announcement that the selection of an
acting successor to Mr. C. C. Smith, the
Kegistiar-General, who had been promoted
to the Coloniid Secretaryship of tlie Straits
Settlements, had fallen upon Mr. J. A. da
Carvalho, a Portuguese clerk in the Treasury.
The indignation was the greater because
Mr. Carvalho was not even a British subject.
The protests made would probably not have
had much effect had it not been for this
circumstance. As it was. the appointment
was revoked because of the inability of Mr.
Carvalho to qualify by taking the oath of
allegiance. Another appointment which
created much dissatisfaction at the period
was the nomination on January 22, 1880, of
Mr. Ng Choy, a Chinese barrister, to a
vacant post on the Legislative Council. The
position had been held previously by the
Hon. Mr. H. B. Gibb, and if the ordinary
rule had been followed the choice of his
successor would have been a European
colleague of his. But it was not merely in
personal matters that the Governor showed
the cloven hoof. His entire administration
was tinctured with a prejudice which did
not favour the predominant section of the
community. Even when he acted rightly he
so contrived matters as to invite condenma-
tion. One of his pet official hobbies was a
scheme of criminal reform based in the
main on the philanthropic ideals which
obtained in England. Whipping, bianding,
and deporting — features of the penal system
of the Colony as he found it — were strongly
condemned and eventually abolished by him,
and he made other changes in the direction
of greater leniency. The Chinese lower
classes were naturally grateful for the
favours received, and dulibed the Governor
"the merciful man"; but the Kuiopean com-
munity, with a profounder knowledge of the
springs of Chinese criminal nature, were
profoundly dissatisfied at what they regarded
as the dangerous workings of the policy
adopted by the Governor. A great outburst
of serious crime which look place in 1878
lent point to the indignant repiesentations of
this important section of the population, and
as month succeeded month and the crimes
increased in seriousness it was determined
to hold an indignation meeting to protest
against the action that had been taken. The
demonstration took place on October 7, 1878,
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 85
on the cricket j;roiiiid. It was one of the
most important gatherinjjs of the kind ever
held in the history of the Colony. Mr. H.
B. Gibb was in the cliair, and he was
supported by practically all the leadin;;
mercliants of the Colony excepting the
senior unoflicial nieniber of the I.,ei;islative
Council (the Hon. Philip Ryrie). who for
particular reasons held aloof. With practical
unanimity resolutions were passed affirming
that life and property had been jeopardised
by the policy of undue leniency that had
been adopted, and asking that a commission
from outside tlie Colony should be appointed
to investigate the application of criminal
laws, the carrying out of sentences of the
courts, and the relation between the
Governor and his officials. This European
protest evoked a counter demonstration from
the Chinese inhabitants, who organised an
address to the Queen expressive of con-
iidence in the Governor. The resolutions and
the address were duly forwarded, and, after
taking nearly twelve months to reply, the
Colonial Secretary (Sir Michael Hicks-Beach)
in a despatch admitted the reasonableness of
the alarm felt in the Colonv, but declined
sending out a commission, on the ground
that the action of the Governor had removed
all cause for fear. The reference was to
the introduction of a more stringent system
of dealing with criminals by the Governor.
The system of deportation was resumed and
old offenders, instead of being tried before
magistrates, were sent to the Supreme Court,
where they received punishment commen-
surate with their crimes. On the main
points — the question of flogging and brand-
ing— Sir J. Pope-Hennessy carried the day,
for in November, 1880, Lord Kimberley (wtio
had become Colonial Secretiiry) sent out a
despatch directing the permanent discon-
tinuance of branding and prohibiting flog-
ging, excepting in cases of the class in
which it would be inflicted in the United
Kingdom.
As the years of Sir J. Pope-Hennessy's
administration went on the tide of his un-
popularity increased in volume. The breach
between him and the Euiopean conmunity
ultimately became irreparable, and the strange
prospect was seen in Hongkong of the
Queen's representative living an existence of
isolation from the gieat bulk of his fellows.
The effect of such a state of affairs upon the
Colony's interest could not fail to be extremely
bad, and only the natural stiength of its
position enabled it to come through the
period of stress and trouble without marked
injury. A great sigh of relief went up when
it was announced in March, 18S2, that the
Governor was shortly proceeding to Europe
on six months' leave. The stiitement was
interpreted to mean that Sir J. Pope-Hennessy
was leaving finally, and there was no dis-
position shown to resent the valedictory com-
pliments subsequently paid to him by the
Chinese and Portuguese communities. The
general feeling was one of gladness that the
period of turmoil and bitterness was at length
at an end. Afterwards there was a disturb-
ing rumour that Sir J. Pope-Hennessy was
returning to Hongkong, and in hot haste
strong remonstrances were sent by the
leading merchants to Downing Street. Then
it was made known that the incubus of a
discredited and unpopular Governor was not
to be infiicted on Hongkong, Sir J. Pope-
Hennessy having been appointed to the
Governorship of Mauritius.
CHAPTER XV.
Development of Shanghai — The Establishment of the Chinese Maritime Customs Department — New Municipal
Constitution — Operations of the " Ever Victorious " Army around the Settlement — Land Speculations.
The conclusion of the Treaty of Peking was
the signal for a great development of mer-
cantile activity throughout the Treaty ports.
Perhaps its influence was most marked at
Shanghai, which, from its proximity to the
new ticlds of enterprise opened up in Northern
China by the Treaty and its immediate prede-
cessor— the Treaty of Tientsin — was best
placed to reap the advantages of the new order
of things. " The model settlement," as it was
and is still called without excess of modesty.
in its earliest years showed the disposition
which all new trade centres have to hang fire
somewhat. It developed, but its growth was,
comparatively speaking, slow. There was
nothing in the nature of a " boom " — to adopt
a modern phrase. The disturbed condition
of the country owing to the Taeping Rebellion
no doubt militated against its complete
success. But it was not alone that factor
which kept Shanghai from marching to its
inevitable destiny of a great port and com-
mercial entrepot. The restricted character of
the openings for trade and the repressive and
obstructive policy pursued by the Chinese
Government had an even wider influence on
the settlement's fortunes. All this, however,
was changed by the two treaties. Under the
Treaty of Tientsin that great waterway, the
Yangtse-Kiang, was opened up to British
trade, and a regularised status was accorded
to merchants at the important riverain towns
of Chinkiang and Hankow. The same
instrument allowed British merchants access
to Newchwang, Tangchow, Taiwan (For-
mosa), Chanchow (Swatoa), and Kiungchow
(Hainan) ; while the Peking Convention had
given further significance to these widened
facilities by adding Tientsin to the list of
Treaty ports. Thus, for the first time in
history, a real opening was afforded to the
vast markets of Central and Northern China.
No port was better placed to take advantage
of the situation than Shanghai. On the one
side the broad bosom of the Yangtse was open
to it ; on the other was easy access to the
capital and the great districts of the north ;
while in the country behind were some of the
greatest trade markets of the Celestial Empire.
It seemed to many that at last Shanghai's day
had really come.
Before an account is given of the stirring
times which followed the conclusion of the
Treaty of Peking it may be desirable to take
a brief glance at Shanghai as it was in the
years preceding that event. Even at that
early period, says an old resident in a des-
cription of its early life, the settlement was
a striking-looking city. "The magnificent
hongs which thronged the riverside with
their compounds, their flags flying (for nearly
every hong represented some consular dignity)
and the fine broad terrace fronting the river,
and commonly called the ' Bund,' had a grand
and imposing appearance, which was truly
astonishing in a place of such recent growth.
The bimd was the most wonderful scene of
business and bustle. Chinese coolies or
labourers were everywhere hurrying to and
fro with burdens slung to bamboos carried
upon the shoulders of these indefatigable
beings who uttered a sort of monotonous
' Hee Haw ' song as they moved along. In
the centre of the bund was situated a striking
looking Chinese building, the Custom House,
in those days managed by Chinese with the
assistance of two European gentlemen. . .
So little were these customs officials heeded
that the captain of an American steamer who
was about to export a cargo of rice, which is
strictly forbidden both by Chinese law and
treaty stipulations, is actually stated to have
pitched one of them overboard for attempting
to interfere with him."
The Custom House organisation referred
to by the writer came into existence as
a direct result of the complications arising
out of the Taeping Rebellion. A brief
reference made to the matter in an
earlier chapter may be supplemented by
a more detailed statement of the origin of
this important institution. In March, 1853,
when Nanking and Chinkiang had fallen
into the hands of the rebels, and there was
a report that the rebel fleet proposed to
attack Woosung, there was a complete
cessation of business in Shanghai. The
Chinese customs officials were all scattered
or in hiding, and for a time there was no
apparent machinery in existence for the
collection of customs. " One morning," says
the author of an interesting sketch of
Shanghai history, published on the occasion
of its jubilee celebrations in 1873, "it was
found that a Weiyman had established him-
self during the night in a mat-shed, amongst
the ruins of the Customs House, and hung
out a flag and chop sealed by the Taotai
authorising him to receive customs dues,
but the foreign consuls concluded that this
gentleman's position was not exactly legal,
and Mr. Alcock, the British Consul, there-
fore, consulted with the captain of the
Spartan, the result being that a squad of
English men-of-war's men hustled the poor
Mandarin and his assistants ignominiously
out of his 'improvised custom house. The
Weiyman then attempted to get over the
difficulty by saying that he would receive
the duties on board a junk which was
moored in the river opposite the French
concession, and Mr. E. Cunningham, who was
acting as American Vice-C<5nsul, fell in with
the suggestion and ordered his nationals to
pay their dues on board this floating
coilectorate, but the Americans promptly
8r>
TAVEXTIETH CENTURY I3IPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
objected that they amid not find her. . .
In this dilenmta Mr. AlaKk and Mr.
Cunnin):hnm sent round a notification to
the effect that they would undertake the
collection of duties, and would not clear
any British or Anieric-an ves.sels in respect
of' which duties had not been paid, or
undert:ikint;s to pay fjiven. This was at
once strongly opposed by the merchants,
who argued that they could not be called
upon to pav duties to a government that
was unable to give them any protection,
and that had no proper, visible machinery
available for c-ollecting the revenue, and that
the British and American Consuls had no
right to usurp any functions of the Chinese
Government which had not been legally
delegated to them. The Consuls of the other
pt>wers represented adopted the same view,
and the French Consul took the lead in de-
cUiring that he would clear any French ship
that applied to him, without the payment of
any duties whatst>ever, until the Imperial
Chinese Government re-asserted its authority.
. . . The British Consul and the American
Vicx'-Consul were left almost alone on one
side in the struggle to uphold the claims of
the Chinese Government, while the repre-
sentative of the Chinese Government, the
Taotai, Sam Qua, from his safe retreat in
the Kecchong hong, contented himself with
issuing exhortative notices to his countrymen
to do right in the matter of paying customs
dues, while, with reference to the foreigners,
he was only tix) thankful to them for what-
ever small quotjis of these dues they were
content to pay him"
In the face of the division of consular
opinion the British and American Consuls
found it impossible to maintain the position
they had taken up. Several ships, American
and British, got away without the payment
of any duties, and in 1854 the principle of
clearance without payment of duties had
been tacitly accepted. The Chinese Govern-
ment, however, was naturally not content to
allow a lucrative source of revenue to be
diverted from it without a struggle, and about
the middle of 1854 consular intervention was
invoked to secure a restoration of Chinese
rights in the matter of the levy of customs.
A conference Ux)'* place at which the Taoutai.
Sam Qua. with the Consuls of Great Britain.
America, and France assisted, and as the
outcome of it, it was decided to introduce an
entirely new system. Under the arrangement
the duty of collecting the customs dues was
vested in three oflicers nominated by the
three Consuls pjirticipating in the conference.
The Chinese officials were left to discharge
the ordinary duties of supervision. It was
a tentative measure devised to meet a sudden
emergency which had arisen, but the system
worked so satisfactorily that it ultimately
broadened out into a great organisation,
which under a name to become familiar
throughout the civilised world — the Chinese
Maritime Customs — extended its operations to
the whole of the Treaty ports.
Another important Shanghai institution
which was emerging from the chrysalis
stage at this period was the Municipal Council.
As originally instituted the bfxly was known
as the 0>mmittee of Roads and Jetties. Its
income was as modest as its designation, for
altogether the municipal collections in 1852
did not amount to more than $5,000. Of this
sum $2,400 came from wharfage dues, and
the balance from a tax of } per cent, on land
and I per cent, on houses. The expenditure
for the year was $8,000, that amount incUuling
the repayment of a k)an of $2,000 which had
been borrowed at 10 per cent. But the
exigencies of the situation created by the
Taeping Rebellion iicct-ssitatcd some more
comprehensive ariangement, and about the
middle of 1854 there were frequent con-
sultations between the Taoutai, Sam Qua,
and Messrs. Alcock, the British Consul,
K. C. Murphy, the United States Consul,
and M, B. Edau, the French Consul with
a view to devising a new system of
l<K-al control. The upshot of the delibera-
tions was the issue on July 5, 1854, of a
notification to the foreign community to the
effect that a new code of municipal and
land regulations had been drawn up, and
would henceforth govern the residence of
foreigners in the three concessions. Tlie
regulations thus promulgated with some sub-
sequent changes and additions are practically
the constitution under which the settlement
is governed. Under tile rules the local
authority designated for the first time a
Municipal Council was to consist of a chair-
man and six members elected by the land-
renters instead of the " three upright British
SIR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK, K.C.B.
merchants appointed by the British Consul,"
of whom the first early Committee of Roads
and Jetties consisted. Another important
change was the substitution for the old
methods of raising revenue of a regular
assessment based on the value of property
and area of land, on residences and wharfage
within the settlement. The new system was
found to work most satisfactorily. Hence-
forward there was no looking back in matters
municipal in Shanghai. In 1863 the adminis-
tration lost its exclusively British character by
the interests of the British concession being
merged with those xif the American settlement
at Hongkew on the north of the Soothow
Creek. The French, who, as has been stated,
occupied a strip of territory adjacent to tlie
native city, elected to maintain their separate
jurisdiction, and they have done so to this
day, with the result that there is a marked
distinction between the two sections of what
is in reality one settlement.
W'liile Shanghai was preparing to avail
itself of the openings offered by tlie Treaty
of Peking, the developments of the Tae-
ping Rebellion were once more furnishing
her citizens with excitement of a varied kind.
The rebels, encouraged by the weakness of
the imperial authority, had during the years
from 1857 to i860 enormously extended their
sphere of intluence. They conliniRcl in
possession of Nanking in spite of all efforts
to dislodge them, and by the end of the last
named year their authority was established
almost to the sea. Such was the gravity
of the situation that, prior to the advance
on Peking, the Governor-General of the
province of the Two Kiang actually
invoked the aid of the British and French
in support of the imperial power. The
French representative was willing to
render the assistance, and offered fifteen
hundred troops if the British would send
five hundred ; but Mr. Bruce prudently de-
clined to allow the British authority to be
mixed up with the internal troubles of the
Chinese Empire. A proclamation, however,
was issued on May 26, i860, in the name
of all the foreign representatives, intimating
that Slianghai would not a second time be
allowed to fall into rebel liands.
Tliough official foreign aid was denied the
Chinese authorities, they were not to be .
without European assistance in their efforts
to suppress the rebellion. A movement set
on foot by patriotic Chinese merchants, and
encouiaged and supported by European firms,
resulted in the getting out at Shanghai of a
foreign contingent for service in the disturbed
area. Ward, an American subject, was the
leader of the organisation, and he had as his
chief lieutenant and quartermaster a fellow
countryman named Burgevine. Ward was a
swashbuckler of a pronounced type — unscru-
pulous, rapacious, and cruel. He had been
a mate on an American sailing vessel
trading lo China, and had served on a
llotilla fitted out some time previously by
the Taoutai to opeiate against the rebels on
the Yangtse. In that capacity he had
attracted the attention of the wealthy Chinese
mercliants, and his selection to command
the foreign legion was the result. A pretty
free hand was given to him in the matter of
the engagement of recruits. Pay at the rate
of ^'20 per month was offered, and in addition
the prospect was held out of a share of loot.
About one hundred Europeans in all were
collected, together with about double that
number of Manila men. The Europeans
were a nondescript lot of adventurers drawn
from the shipping and the local stores and
offices. They were bound by the loosest ties
of discipline and were ignorant in many cases
of the rudiments of military science. The
initial operation of the contingent was an
attack on Sunkiang, a large walled town about
20 miles south-west of Shanghai. It was for
various reasons a conspicuous failure. Ward,
however, was not to be discouiaged by a
single rebuff. Collecting reinforcements, he
renewed the attack with a successful result.
The town through his exertions was given
over once more to the possession of the
imperial forces. The achievement brought
him passing fame and, what was more to his
purpose, a considerable accession of Chinese
confidence and support. Ward was soon
invited to try his skill in another direction.
The new task allotted to him was the capture
of Tsingpu, a walled town of some little im-
portance. Having recruited a fresh body of
men, including 25 Europeans and 280 Manila
men. Ward marched out of his camp at Sun-
kiang. On arrival outside Tsingpu he speedily
found that he cou!d accomplish little, owing to
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 87
the lack of suitable guns. He had only two
6-pounclers with him and these were quite
powerless against the Taeping position, which
was one of considerable strength, and de-
fended, moreover, by the rebels under the
direction of an Englishman named Savage.
Nevertheless, the attack was delivered on
the night of August 2, i860. It ended in a
disastrous repulse, in whicli all the Europeans
save six were either killed or wounded.
Ward, though himself wounded in the jaw,
elected to make another attempt to win the
great reward which was offered for the cap-
ture of the position. Proceeding to Shanghai,
he enlisted a fjesh force of 150 Europeans,
purchased two l8-pounder guns and am-
munition, and replenished his stores. He
then returned to Tsingpu and commenced
a vigorous bombardment of the town. For-
tune favoured him even less on this occa-sion
than it did previously. After the attack had
proceeded some days Ward's force was sur-
prised by a body of the rebels under Chang
Wang, a famous leader, and put to utter rout.
The contingent lost its guns and most of its
stores, and had tlie enemy been entciprising
the entire body wt>uld have been annihilated.
Encouraged by the success, Chang Wang
made an effort to recapture Sunkiang, and,
being foiled in the attempt, turned his atten-
tion to the city of Shanghai. The Allies,
acting up to their proclamation, took measure
to assist the Chinese imperial authorities in
their defence. The rebels, therefore, had a
very warm reception when they appeared
outside the city. They persevered, however,
in their enterprise, returning again and again
to the attack. Eventually, when the best
part of a week had elapsed, Chang Wang
drew off his forces, sending previously a
valiant message in which he blamed the
French for his discomfilure, and said that
but for the foreigners he would have been
triumphant.
As a result of the attack on Shanghai the
British authorities deemed it expedient to
have a clear understanding with the Taepings
as to the precise limits of their operations.
For this purpose the British Naval Com-
mander, Admiral Sir James Hope, as
previously nariated, proceeded to Nanking
and opened up connnunications with Tien
Wang, the rebel chief. The outcome of the
negotiations was an arrangement under
which the Taepings pledged themselves not
to make any attack on Shanghai in the next
twelve months, and that the Taeping forces
should not advance to any point within a
radius of 20 miles of that city. A further
development of the situation at this period
was the arrest, in May, 1 861, of Ward in
Shanghai, as a disturber of the public peace.
Ward subsequently obtained his release by
declaring himself a Chinese subject, but his
career at Shanghai was nearing its close.
His fate as a commander of European
auxiliaries and that of the force which he
had got together were sealed by another
disastrous failuie before Tsingpu, in which
out of 80 men 23 were either killed or
wounded. Ward and Burgevine, after a
temporary period of inaction at Shanghai,
turned their attention to the drilling
of Chinese after the European method.
Their operations were destined to bear note-
worthy fruit, for out of the little band of
men they trained developed the Ever Victor-
ious Army, which was to win back for the
Chinese Government the authority which
had so narrowly missed slipping altogether
from their hands.
In the closing months of 1861 the Taepings
achieved some conspicuous successes against
the imperial forces. The important cities of
Ningpo and Hangchow fell into their hands,
and there were minor triumphs which greatly
enhanced their prestige and brought thou-
sands of recruits to their standards. The
occupation of the first named place without
British opposition seems to have encouraged
the belief at the rebel headquarters that
Shanghai might now be taken in spite of the
arrangement come to between Admiral Hope
and Tien Wang. The victorious Taeping
forces appeared outside the city and settle-
ment at the end of the second week in
January, 1862. Before them were driven
great nuinbers of Cliinese who sought refuge in
(light from the horrors which almost invariably
marked the onward rebel march. Thousands
of these unfortunates invaded the foreign
settlement in the expectation of finding an
asylum there from the dire woes which
menaced them across the border. The best
that was possible was done for them, but
there was much inevitable suffering, an ex-
ceptionally severe winter adding to the
horrors of the situation. Meanwhile the
flagrant infraction of the Yangtse under-
SIB JAMES HOPE, Q.C.B.
(From a print in the British Mnseum.)
standing by the rebels was being met by the
Britisli autliorities in the only possible way —
by retaliating. The military force at Shan-
ghai at the time — two native regiments and
some artillery — was too weak to allow at the
outset of more than defensive measures, and
encouraged by the inactivity the rebels
showed great boldness, plundering and burn-
ing on the outskirts of the settlement, and at
one time even threatening Woosung, the
port at the mouth of the river. The French
made a successful onslaught on a body of
rebels which appeared outside their con-
cession, and on the arrival of Sir John Michel
with a small body of English troops as a
reinforcement of the garrison, a regular plan
of campaign was instituted against them by
the British and the French. The operations
commenced on February 21st. when a mixed
British and French force, about 500 strong,
with 600 of Ward's newly disciplined
troops, marched out under the command
of Admiral Hope to the village of Kachiaou,
where the Taepings had a strong position.
On coming into contact with the enemy
there was some sharp fighting, but nothing
could withstand the ardour of the attacking
force, who, with Ward's men leading,
carried the village in gallant style. The
Taepings, undismayed by this reverse, gave a
considerable amount of trouble to Admiral
Hope, and even at one time compelled him
to retire. But on his receiving a substantial
reinforcement of 450 Europeans with 700 of
Ward's Chinese and 7 howitzers, he was able
to very effectively continue his little campaign.
Tseedong, another strong position of the
rebels, was attacked, and while the British
sailors operated in front Ward's men made a
detour and came upon their rear. Between
the two fires the rebels suffered terribly, more
than seven hundred being killed. The
steadiness shown by Ward's disciplined levies
on the two occasions they were under fire,
led the British authorities to take a very
favourable view of their capacity and useful-
ness and to give support both diplomatic and
practical to measures for their increase. For
some weeks following the Tseedong affair,
there was, however, a lull in the operations.
It was not, in fact, until the end of March,
when General Staveley arrived from Tientsin
with the 31st and 67th British regiments that
any further serious effort was made to deal
with the rebels. Then was commenced the
task of clearing the country for 30 miles
around Shanghai in accordance with the
terms of the agreement. In pursuance of
this plan the village of Wongkadsa, about
12 miles west of Shanghai was captured,
but on an attempt being made by Ward's
men to carry a stockade to which the rebels
had retired, the attacking party was repulsed
and Admiral Hope, who had accompanied it,
was wounded. The next day this failure was
wiped out and the enemy were subsequently
driven out of Tsipoo. Next, attention was
tiu'ued to Kahding, a strong walled city,
which was captured with little loss. A
desperate attempt to fire Shanghai, happily
frustrated, caused a brief interruption in the
operations, but eany in May the train was
ready laid for an important series of move-
ments, in which a powerful body consisting
of 1.429 British troops and 20 guns and
mortars, 380 men and 5 guns. Naval Brigade,
and 800 French troops with 10 guns took
part. The allied force proceeded first to
Tsingpu, the journey being made from
Sunkiang by boat owing to transport difii-
culties. A bombardment with the powerful
guns carried with the force soon paved the
way for an assault which was completely
successful, though the Taepings fought well.
Afterwards Nanjao was captured and a
brilliant little series of movements was closed
with an engagement at Cholin which ter-
minated in the complete discomfiture of the
rebels. The good effects of this campaign
was unfortunately almost completely wiped
out by a disaster which overtook an im-
perialist force about the middle of May at
Taitsau, to the north-west of Shanghai. Such
was the impression made that General
Staveley deemed it expedient to withdraw his
forces to Shanghai, Kahding being given
back to the rebels. As a set off against this
serious state of affairs the imperialists had to
their account the recapture of Ningpo which
had about the same period fallen into their
hands after a desperate conflict. Chung
Wang now threatened both Tsingpu and
Sunkiang, and as there was nothing to be
gained in the circumstances in holding the
former place, it was evacuated. Ward after
this devoted himself energetically to the
training and equipping of a force to recover
the lost ground. He soon had a body of five
thousand men under his command, and with
these larried the war into the enemy's
88 TAVENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
LtHiiitry. Alter an unsucvesslul attempt
Tsingpu was ret;iken. and protxibly this would
have been the starting (xiint of a new career
for Ward had he not been mortally wounded
in an attack on Tseki. near Ninjjpo, whither
he had pnxx-eded at the call of the Govern-
n»ent. On a refusal of the post by Colonel
Forrester. Ward's chief lieutenant, the com-
niand of the Ever Victorious Army devolved
upon Burgevine, who was little ad;»pted either
by temperament or capacity for so responsible
an office. Li Hung Chang, to be famous in
later years as one of China's greatest states-
men, had about this time sucx"eeded to the
chief control on the Chinese Government side
and he seems very early to have formed a
very unfavourable impression of the new
commander. Burgevine. indeed, was gener-
ally distrusted by the leading Chinese officials
and merchants. They disliked his dictatorial
ways, and they doubted his loyalty to the
cause which they had at heart. Furthermore.
what little they knew of his c-apacity for
militiry leadership did not impress them. In
the circumstances it is not surprising that
dilficullies should soon have arisen between
the American and the Mandarins. The latter
were so seriously dissatisfied with Burgevine
that they went the length of asking General
Staveley to remove him from the command
and supply his place with an English officer.
The British commander declined to interfere
at the moment, but when in the first week
of January. i!<63. Burgcvine's force openly
mutinied, and Burgevine himself perpetrated
a grave outrage by using personal violence
to Takee, a leading Shanghai merchant, who
was the life and soul of the patriotic move-
ment, the summary dismissal of the adven-
turer by the Chinese Government was
acquiesced in. The direct result of this
disciplinary action was to bring into the scene
of perhaps his greatest triumphs the hero of
Khartoum — Charles Gordon — then a practically
unknown officer of Engineers. Gordon did
not actually take up the command until March
24th. as the Home Governments appro\al
to his nomination by General Staveley had
to be received, and. moreover, he wished to
complete the survey of the country around
Shanghai upon which he was then engaged
before assuming active military work. But he
interested hnnsclf informally in the duties
pertaining to his new post and may be said
practically to have commenced his connection
with the force on Burgevine's disniiss;il.
The story of his skilful organisation and
direction of the Chinese forces, of his
indomitable courage and perseverance in
combating the rebel forces, and finally, the
complete reassertion of Chinese imperial
authority, through the exertions of the Ever
Victorious Army under his leadership, is too
familiar to need recapitulation here.
The crisis in Shanghai's life came, as we
have stated at the couunencement of the
chapter, after the conclusion of the Treaty
of Peking. One of the earliest symptoms
of it was an inflation of land values due to
the belief that the settlement was bound
to undergo enormous expansion. The theory
was sound enough, but, as often happens in
these cases, an altogether exaggerated con-
ception of the possibilities of the situation
was formed. The period of speculation with
its ups and downs and its various manifesta-
tions is vividly described by the writer already
quoted. " The site of the old racecourse was
put up and sold at auction at fabulous prices,
and the cricket ground was treated in a
similar manner, a very small proportion of
money sufficing to supply their places at
a short distance beyond, and the balance
of the funds being reserved for purposes of
public improvement or recreation. Land had
become the great subject for speculation, and
was being bought up in every conceivable
directioii with the greatest avidity. Plots
which a few months previously had been
purchased for garden purposes at tifty taels
per mow, equal to about £^100 sterling per
acre, now realised at least a thousand taels
per mow and even more, and for a long time
this remained the standard value of the land.
For miles in the country upon purely Chinese
territory, and for miles down the river upon
both its banks, did speculators buy up every
available inch of ground at daily increasing
prices in the most visionary manner. For-
tunes upon fortunes were made upon its
re-sale to still more reckless gamblers, but
only to be re- invested in the same unsoimd
manner and eventually to culminate in loss.
But it was not alone in land that speculation
ran wild. Chinese houses sprung up in
every direction, and Shanghai in a couple of
years from the modest ' model settlement '
had become a very London."
•■ Joint stock companies now commenced
to be started, and shares were eagerly
applied for. The number of banks wliicli
established agencies was perfectly fabulous.
The shores of the river for miles down the
stream were covered with newly-erected
wharves and as many as 300 foreign vessels
were in the harbour at one time. New
local improvements were commenced,
regardless of expense. The New Club, a
magnilicent building, and conducted on
the most extravagant scale, was hurried on.
The new racecourse and the cricket gi'ound
were completed ; roads were constructed for
miles out into the country, and villa resi-
dences and model farms began to abt>und.
The municipal institutions were constructed
on a scale of extravagance hitherto un-
known ; and professional jockeys and
trainers, sparring matches, badger baiting
and rat pits became the fancy. Shanghai
had gone perfectly mad."
At this time the population of Shanghai
was estimated at 420.000. of whom 6,000
were foreigners. It was, as far as the
foreign element was concerned, a mixed
community, but was full of enterprise and
virility. Its spirit was manifested in a
rather striking way when the Chinese
Government, having disposed of the Taeping
rebels, thought it might recover some of its
losses by imposing a likiii, or war tax,
upon those of its subjects who resided in the
settlement. To this proposition the Muni-
cipal Council offered emphatic opposition.
It was pointed out that, as the responsibility
of protecting such an enormous concourse of
refugees fell upon the foreign municipalities
and their British and foreign protectois, it
was only right th.tt the Chinese inside should
bear their proportion of the regular expenses.
The argument had no effect on the Chinese
oflicialdom. and as their claim was backed
by the British Minister, the tax had to be
allowed. Feeling on the subject ran very
high in the foreign community and a scheme
was seriously mooted, by an influential sec-
tion, for repudiating all Chinese rights and
constituting the settlement a free city, some-
what on the lines of the Hanse towns. The
idea, of course, was absurdly visionary, and
it was laughed out of existence almost as
soon as it was mooted. But the fact that
it was suggested indicates the extent to
which even business men had been carried
off their feet by the wave of speculation
which was sweeping over the port.
CHAPTER XVI.
Last Days of the Emperor Hienfung— Com/i d'e'tat at Peking— The New Regime— The Young Emperor Tungche
assumes the Reins of Government— Reception of Ministers at Peking— Death of Tungche and Accession of
Tsai Tien — Murder of Mr. Margery — The Chefoo Convention.
As immediate outcome of the Treaty of Peking
was the establishment in the Chinese capital
of a body known as the Tsung-li-yamen, to
deal with the foreign affairs of the empire.
Up to this time there had been no provision
in the Chinese Governmental system for con-
ducting intercourse with foreign nations, and
the absence of machinery had tended more
than anyihing else to create difficulties. To
a very large extent, therefore, the change
was an advantageous one. But it was very
far from being a sign of grace on the
part of the imperial authorities. The Em-
peror himself showed at this time, indeed,
a marked disposition to emphasise his dis-
satisfaction with the new order. He retired
to Gehol and surrounded himself there with
the most bigoted and fanatical Mandarins,
chief amongst whom was Tsai, the hero of
the disgraceful episode <>( Tungchow decribed
in the previous chapter. It was believed at
the time that the main purpose of his with-
drawal was to avoid lending by his presence
any countenance to the establishment of the
diplomatic system at Peking. Whether that
was the case or not when Mr. Bruce took up
his residence at the Chinese capital towards
the end of March, 1864, he had to be content
with such maimed rites as could be extended
to him by Prince Kung, the enlightened
brother of the p;niperor, upon whom the
burden of arranging matters with the Allies
had fallen. The Emperor's absence was the
cause of much discontent amongst the
Pekingese, and it was condenmed even by
members of the imperial family, who suffered
heavily in pocket owing to the cessation of
their allowances during the period that the
court was at Gehol. It is probable that
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
89
trouble would have arisen out of tlie imperial
action had not matters been brought to a
sudden issue by the serious illness and sub-
sequent death of the Emperor. This event,
which took place on August 22, 1864, was
followed by the circulation of a proclamation
amiouncing the accession of Hienfung's son,
a child of six years of age, and of the appoint-
ment of a Board of Regency consisting of
eight members, with Prince Tsai at their head,
to control matters during his minority. Prince
Kung and his associates at Peking were left
entirely out in the cold in the arrangements
for the succession, and it soon became obvious
that they did not intend to sit down quietly
under the exclusion. The day following the
state entry of the young Emperor into Peking
(the 2nd of November), Prince Kung appeared
at the palace with an imperial edict, which
he had secured from the Empress Dowager,
ordering the dismissal of the Council of
Regency. Prince Tsai and his colleagues
made an attempt to obtain the reversal of the
decree, but the only effect of their action
was to bring about their arrest and the issue
of a second decree directing their degradation
from their official and hereditary rank
and their punishment for " outrageous con-
duct." Later on the entire party were
brought to trial before Prince Kung, with
the result that all were condemned to
death. One regarded as the leader was
publicly executed, but the others were, as a
special favour, given a silken cord with which
to put an end to their existence. Under the
new regime the power was vested in the
Empress Dowager and the Emperor's mother,
and Prince Kung occupied the supreme
ministerial positions with vast powers of con-
trol. Prince Kung directed affairs ably and
skilfully, showing an enlightened regard for
foreign opinion which tended to smooth the
paths of diplomacy. Apparently he soared too
high, for in April, 1865, to the surprise and
even consternation of the British Minister and
his diplomatic colleagues, an edict appeared in
the name of the two Empresses degrading him
for having grown arrogant and assumed privi-
leges to which he had no right. It was feared
that the incident might seriously prejudice
foreign interests, but to the satisfaction of
the European community Prince Kung was,
after the lapse of five weeks, restored to
favour, though he was no longer allowed to
hold the post of President of the Council.
Some little time after this incident Sir
Frederick Bruce's term of office as minister
at Peking expired. His successor was Sir
Rutherford Alcock, the erstwhile consul at
Shanghai, whose services prior to his going to
Peking had been utilised as minister to Japan.
Sir Rutherford Alcock in his turn was suc-
ceeded at Yeddo by Sir Harry Parkes, another
eminent Anglo-Chinese official who figures
conspicuously in our narrative.
During the entire period of Mr. Bruce's
service at Peking the relations between the
British and the Chinese were most cordial,
largely owing to the admirable tact of the
minister on the one side and the broad-
mindedness of the chief minister on the
other. One awkward question, however,
arose which might have been productive of
considerable danger to the peace if it had
not been properly handled. Mr. Horatio
N. Lay, who had some time before been
appointed by the Chinese Government to
assist in the collection of customs in the
Shanghai district, was in 1862 commissioned,
in conjunction with Captain Sherard Osborn,
to go to Europe to purchase a fleet of gun-
boats of small draught for the suppression of
piracy on the Chinese coasts and the policing
of the shallow estuaries and creeks there-
abouts. The vessels — seven gunboats and one
storeship — were purchased and taken out by
Captain Osborn. Meanwhile, Mr. Lay pro-
ceeded direct to Peking to complete the
arrangements for the disposal of the embryo
Chinese fleet. He was greatly concerned to
find that Sir Frederick Bruce would have
nothing whatever to do with his enterprise
without specific instructions from home ;
while, what was more disconcerting, Prince
Kung raised difficulties as to the arrange-
ments Mr. Lay proposed for the working of
the new system. The points of difference
developed between the Minister and Mr. Lay
had reference to the control of the squadron.
The former, perhaps not unnaturally, con-
sidered that the power should be vested in
the Government in the ordinary way ; but
Mr. Lay claimed that he should be directly
responsible under the Emperor for the
administration and movements of the fleet.
He flatly declined to entertain a proposal
that a Chinese official should be appointed as
joint commander, and he as resolutely
of bad faith, as the conditions they were
called upon to ratify are not such as the
authority given to Mr. Lay entitled him to
assent to in their name. Mr. Lay mistook
his position and overrated his influence
when he resolved on starting this flotilla,
without having previously ascertained that
the terms agreed upon with Captain Osborn
would be accepted." Mr. Lay retired with a
handsome monetary solatium, and in his
place there succeeded to the control of the
Imperial Maritime Customs, Mr. (now Sir)
Robert Hart, the able official whose long
and honourable service in China is, as
these pages are passing through the press,
receiving such widespread and honourable
recognition in Europe. Another well-known
Anglo-Chinese who came to the front about
this time was Sir Halliday Macartney, a
gentleman who in later life played a
conspicuous part in the domain of Chinese
diplomacy in Europe, as the English
Secretary to the Chinese Embassy in London.
Macartney went out to China in the first
PA'VriLION AND GARDEN OF A MANDARIN, NEAR PEKING.
(From Alloni & Wright's " China.")
rejected a suggestion that he should act
under the orders of the provincial authorities.
In the circumstances it is not altogether
surprising that Prince Kung should have
manifested an indisposition to take over the
fleet. The ships remained idly at anchor all
through the period during which they would
have been useful against the Taepings, and
when the crisis had passed away the Chinese
Government considered they could do without
them. Finally, in November, 1863, Mr. Lay
was dismissed from the Chinese Government
service, and orders were given for the return
of the ships to Europe for disposal. Mr. Lay
was very wroth at the treatment meted out
to him, and invoked the powerful aid of
friends at home to obtain redress. But he
gained very little support in official quarters
in his campaign against Chinese officialdom.
The points in the controversy were very con-
cisely put by Sir Frederick Bruce in a despatch
which he pemied on the subject. " I do not
think," the British Minister wrote, "that the
Chinese Government are open to the charge
instance as Assistant-Surgeon to the gpth
Regiment, and served through the Peking
Campaign. Afterwards he drifted into the
employ of the Chinese Government, which
he assisted in various capacities. His most
important service was as organiser of the
first Chinese arsenal at Soochow. He mani-
fested great ability in the prosecution of this
undei taking, but, owing to the development
of defects in some of the guns manufactured
at the establishment, he had differences with
Li Hung Chang, with the result that he
resigned his office. The enterprise which he
had initiated was continued under other
direction and paved the way for an extensive
organisation for the manufacture of muni-
tions of w^ar.
The decade following the conclusion of the
Treatv of Peking was a period of comparative
tranquillity in the relations between the
Chinese Government and the European
powers. For this state of affairs thanks were
largely due to the wisdom and moderation
of Prince Kung, who continued to direct the
90 TWENTIETH CENTl'KY I3IPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
councils of the empire ; but some credit also
attached to the British representatives who
in their dealings with the Chinese Govern-
ment resolutely set their faces a>;ainst the
pushing of extravagant claims and the multi-
plication of points of difference. The two
great Mahomcdan rebellions in the provinces
of Yunnan and Shcnsi and Kansuh, the sup-
pression of which taxed to the utmost the
resources of the Chinese Government during a
greater portion of the decennial period, also
was a factor which made for harmony
between the Peking authorities and the
Western powers. The only uns;itisfactory
phases in the situation were occasional out-
bursts of popular feeling against the
missionaries who at this time were actively
prosecuting their propaganda in various parts
of China. At Yangchow and Formos;i, and
later at Swatow and FotKhow, there were
outrages more or less serious. But in each
instance reparation was promptly made and
it was manifested that the Chinese Govern-
ment was sincere in its desire to ensure
mission to France to offer what amends it
could lor the outbreak. Chung How, the
Suiwrintendent of Trade for the three
northern ports, who was present at Tientsin
at the time of the riot, and whose lack of
initiative was indirectly responsible for the
(K-currence, was selected to head the mission.
It otherwise lacked nothing which could lend
it importance as a manifestation of the
Government's regret at the event. In Paris
the mission was received in a not unfriendly
spirit, but the intimation was given that as a
recognition of the moderation shown In the
matter the French Government would expect
that the right of audience would be conceded
to the French Minister at Peking. The
demand was received with mingled feelings
In Peking, where the old jealous feeling of
exclusiveness was still In the ascendant. The
question remained in abeyance until tlie young
Emperor Tungche, four months subsequent
to his marriage, was. In February, 1873,
Invested with full powers of government.
Then, the time being ripe for pressing the
ANCIENT TOMBS NEAR AMOY.
(From .'ill ciij;r,ivinj; )
protection for the foreigner to the utmost of
its ability. The worst epis<xie was one which
occurred' at Tientsin in 1870 and which, but
for the outbreak of the Franco-German War,
might have involved China in war with
France. On the 21st of June in that year a
disorderly mob gathered outside the Roman
Catholic Mission House in Tientsin, murdered
M. Fontanier, the French Consul, who en-
deavoured to restrain them, and subsequently
attacked the Mission House, murdering its
inmates, who included M. Simon, a member
of the F'rench legation at Peking, and his
wife, a French storekeeper and his wife,
three priests, ten sisters of charity, and a
Russian merchant and his wife. A great
sensation was created by this crime, which
surpassed in horror any that had hitherto
been perpetrated against the foreign com-
munity, and on the one hand there was an
insistent demand from Europeans for retri-
bution and on the other a wave of anti-
foreign exultation. The Chinese Government
fortunately recognised the extreme gravity
of the crisis and decided to send a special
claim, the Foreign Ministers in a joint note
preferred a request to be received in audience.
At the outset the old question of the kotow
was raised, but on a clear indication being
given that there would not be the slightest
concession on this point. Prince Kung and the
ministers yielded, and the young Emperor duly
received the ministers of the foreign powers
In audience on June 29, 1873. The event
marked an epoch in the history of the diplo-
matic relations of the European nations with
China. Once and for all the claim to
superiority so arrogantly and insistently put
forward on behalf of the Chinese Emperors
was abandoned.
After this for some little time the course
of Chinese history ran, if not smoothly, at all
events with less serious incident than here-
tofore. In 1873 trouble arose between Japan
and China over the murder of the crew of a
junk wrecked on the Loochoo Islands
some years before, but thanks to the mediation
of Mr. Wade an amicable settlement was
reached by the terms of which China paid an
indemnity, and the Japanese evacuated Formosa,
whicli they had occupied to bring pressure to
bear on the Peking authorities. Another
episode of a more personal character which
was the subject of diplomatic representations
was an attack by pirates in August, 1874, on
the river steamer Sftuk while on her way
from Whampoa to Macao. The vessel was
plundered and the only English passenger,
Mr, Walter Mundy, was seriously wounded
and left for dead on the deck. Mr. Mundy
was permanently Injured by the treatment
he received ; but the Home Government
declined to support his claim to compen-
sation though there was no question that the
piratical attack was due to the failure of the
Chinese authorities to carry out the provisions
of one of tlie principal clauses of the Treaty
of Tientsin.
The death of the Emperor Tungche on
January 12, 1875, seemed to offer promise
of serious internal trouble, but eventually
the succession was peacefully arranged by
the selection of Tsai Tien, a child of tender
age, the son of Prince Chun or the Seventh
Prince. The new Emperor was proclaimed
on the 13th of January with the name of
Kwangsu, and he commenced his reign under
the auspices of the two Empresses and Prince
Kung, who, by their judicious direction of
affairs were able to look forward to a further
spell of uncontrolled power. Before the new
ruler had been many weeks on the throne
an event occurred which rudely threatened
the peaceful relations which had grown
up between the Chinese and the British
Governments. Towards the close of 1874
the Government of India decided to despatch
a special mission of exploration under the
command of Colonel Horace Browne to
Yunnan, the extreme western province of
China. The enterprise was promoted with
the approval of the Peking authorities, who
Issued special orders to the local authorities
concerned to give the mission every assistance.
Mr. Raymond Augustus Margery, a talented
Chinese scholar, and an official thoroughly
versed in Chinese ways, was appointed to
accompany the mission as a coadjutor of
Colonel Browne. He journeyed through the
Interior of China from Peking and joined his
chief at Bhamo, on January 26, 1875. Three
weeks laler the mission started on Its way.
As it approached the Chinese frontier it was
met by rumours of opposition to Its advance
on the part of Lisltal, a Chinese commander
who had control of the frontier. In order
to ascertain the true state of affairs. Colonel
Browne despatched Mr. Margery on an
expedition of inquiry across the frontier.
Riding out on the 19th of February, Mr.
Margery reached Momein, a town on the
Chinese side of the border, the same day,
and sent from thence a letter saying that all
was quiet at that place. Nothing further
was heard from him or of him until several
days later, when the news was spread that
he and his attendants had been treacherously
murdered at Manwein, a place some little
distance to the eastward of Momein. The
startling information was supplemented by
a statement that a large Chinese force was
advancing with the intention of attacking the
expedition. Any doubts that may have been
entertained as to the accuracy of the news
were dispelled on the 22nd of P'ebruary by
the appearance of a hostile body of Chinese
troops on the heights near the camp of
the expedition. Preparations were made by
Colonel Browne to meet the threatened
danger, but the Chinese general, seeing the
bold front that had been assumed, thought
better of his enterprise and withdrew his
force. When news of the outrage reached
the outer world, a great cry of indignation
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 91
went lip from the British organs of public
opinion, and the amplest backinj; was given
to the demand promptly made at Peking by
the British Minister (Mr. Thomas Wade) for
reparation. The Chinese Government showed
at the outset very little disposition to satisfy
the claims preferred, which primarily were
for an investigation into the circumstances of
the murder by a mixed commission of British
and Chinese officials. At length, however,
it agreed to the proposed inquiry and
appointed Li Han Chang, Governor-General
of Honkwang, and brother of Li Hung
Chang, to conduct the investigations. This
functionary, with the British members of the
commission, Messrs. Grosvenor, Davenport,
and Baber, met in the closing days of the
year in the district which was the scene of
the outrage and commenced their inquiry.
It was soon discovered by the British com-
missioners that as far as the infliction of
punishment on the really guilty parties was
concerned their mission was likely to prove
futile. Li Han Chang temporarily suspended
the Futai for neglect of duty, but this
was the extent of the censure of the local
officialdom he would permit himself. The
responsibility for the murder was thrown
upon the lawless frontier tribes, and to lend
colour to the view several miserable villagers
were seized, on the ground that they were
accessories to the murder, and their lives
were offered as an atonement for the offence.
Very naturally the British Government
resolutely declined to accept the course
proposed as adequate redress. Sir Thomas
Wade (as he had now become) was instructed
to bring home to the Peking authorities the
seriousness of the situation which had been
created by this shameful outrage on a British
expedition, and this he did in the most
emphatic way by intimating that diplomatic
relations must be broken off until the Chinese
Government were prepared to satisfy the just
demands made upon them. Sir Thomas
Wade subsequently quitted the Chinese
capital, and his withdrawal coincided with
the appearance of a strong British fleet off
the Peiho. Alarmed at these evidences of
offended British honour, the Peking oflicials
at length consented to discuss under satis-
factory conditions the question of redress.
Chefoo was selected as the scene of the
negotiations, and there the British and Chinese
representatives (Sir Thomas Wade and Li
of the regret felt by the Chinese Government
for the murder. An important article of the
Convention was a provision calling upon the
different Viceroys and Governors to respect
and afford every protection to all foreigners
provided with the necessary passport from
CHEFOO FROM THE SEA.
Hung Chang acting as principals) assembled
in August, 1875. The result of the delibera-
tions was the agreement known as the Chefoo
Convention. This document provided for the
payment of an indemnity to Mr. Margery's
relatives and for the despatch to England of
a special mission bearing a letter expressive
the Tsung-!i-yamen, and warning them that
they would be held responsible in the event
of such travellers meeting with injury or ill-
treatment. There were also embodied in the
arnmgetnent a series of regulations with
reference to trade, and notably one relative
to the likiii or transit duties.
CHAPTER XVII.
The Development of Shanghai — Chinese Commercial Enterprise — The Shanghai-Woosung Railway — Establishment
of a Native Cotton Mill — New Municipal Constitution — Later History of Hongkong.
At the period of the conclusion of the Chefoo
Convention, Shanghai trade, in common with
Chinese commercfe generally, was passing
through a somewhat serious crisis. The
financial stress was mainly due to over specu-
lation consequent upon the opening of the
Suez Canal and the establishment of direct
telegraphic communication with Europe.
With the completion of those great enter-
prises dawned a new era in Far Eastern
commerce — an eia rich in promise for
European trade — but merchants, in their im-
patience to reap the harvest which they
confidently expected awaited them, did not
take sufficient account of the fact that a
period of ripening was essential. As a result
serious losses were incurred, which for the
time being crippled the resources of a good
many of the leading firms, particularly in
Shanghai. While European activity was
somewhat circumscribed owing to the un-
toward course that commerce had taken, the
Chinese at this period gave evidence of
remarkable enterprise. In 1872, under the
direct patronage of Li Hung Chang (at tliat
time Governor-General of Chihli) was formed
at Shanghai a company under the name of
the Chinese Merchants Company, for the
purpose of owning and running steamers.
Ostensibly the company was established for
the purpose of carrying tribute rice to Tientsin
eit route for Peking, but it soon became
evident that its real object was the far more
ambitious one of competing with European
owned vessels for the trade of the coast and
of the Yangtse. Furthermore, the arrange-
ments indicated that the floating of the
company was designed for political as well
as commercial ends. One of the articles of
the company prohibited the holding of shares
by foreigners. The offices established at
Shanghai, Hankow, Tientsin, Hongkong, and
Canton were under Chinese managers ; and
the only foreigners employed in the com-
pany's service were the masters of vessels.
Finally, as evidence of the determination to
give a purely native aspect to the venture,
was the fact that two of the earliest vessels
in the company's service were built at the
Foochow Arsenal.
In another direction at this juncture was
demonstrated in a striking way the deter-
mination of the Chinese to stay the inarch
of foreign encroachment. In December,
1872, was formed in Shanghai, by a number
of leading residents, a small private com-
pany, under the title of the Woosung Road
Conipanv. It seemed an innocent, non-
committal kind of venture, but its simple title
covered a project of deep significance, the
92 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONa, SHANGHAI, ETC.
real object of the promoters being notliing
more nor lesis than the intrtxluction of rail-
\ra\-s into China. The idea of giving the
blessings of railway communication to the
empire was not new. As far l>ack as July,
lt(6ji. an application had been made to tlie
Chinese authorities for permission to
construct a line lH;tween Shanghai and
Soochow, but the reception given to the
proposal was such as to indicate that the
Government were not likely to readily s;mc-
tion the inno\-ation. When, therefore, the
idea was taken up again it was decided not
to appriMch the Chinese governing power,
but to seek to reach the goal indirectly.
The company's object was stated to be the
improvement of road communiciition, and
to give effect to their aims they purchased
a strip of land about fifteen \'ards wide
extending from Shanghai to Woosung. a
distance of about nine and a quarter miles.
Almost simultaneously, at their instigation,
the district magistrate, under the direction
of the Taoutai, issued a proclamation,
gi\ing notice that they had acquired posses-
to proceed, and half the line, viz., that por-
tion from Shanghai to Kangwan, was
opened for public traflic, the inaugural trip
being run on June 30, 1876. Subsequently
the Chinese authorities, who had been much
displeased at the laying down of a railway
without their previous permission, made an
arrangement with Her Majesty's Minister,
through the medium of his Chinese secre-
tary, Mr. Mayers, to the effect that they
should buy the railway, and certain articles
of agreement for c;>rrying out this arrange-
ment were drawn up at Nanking. These
articles were afterwards agreed to by the
company, subject to certain conditions, and
the payment of 285,000 Shanghai taels was
arranged between the two parties as the
price of the property. It was further settled
that this sum should be paid in instalments,
extending over one year, during which time
the company were to retain possession of
the line and work it to their own profit.
The running of trains, which had been
stopped for a time, recommenced on Decem-
ber I, 1876. During July and August the
FESTIVAL OP THE DRAOON BOAT (FIFTH DAY OF THE FIFTH MOON).
sion of the land, and that they had a right
to build bridges, cut ditches, erect fences,
and construct roads suitable for the running
of cars.
The scheme having now assumed a prac-
tical shape, a new company was formed and
registered July 28, 1874, under the Limited
Lialnlity Act, as a company having its head
office in Canton, with a capital of £100,000.
This new company took over the lands and
rights of the old company, bought a con-
siderable amount of extra land, and formed
an embankment along the entire length of
the route, the whole of the area being about
the level of high water spring tides, and
under the level of exceptionally high tides.
The agents of the company in China were
Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., with
whom Mr. J. Dixon of London entered into
a contract to construct a light railway on
the embankment referred to, and work was
commenced in January, 1876. Some diffi-
culties hereupon ensued with the Chinese
authorities, but on the company's making
certain concessions as to the deviation of the
line at some points, the work was allowed
traffic amounted to a total of 16,894 passen-
gers. During December the number of
passengers was 17,527, of which number
15,873 were third class. When the Chinese
entered into occupation of the railways they
discontinued the running of trains and pro-
ceeded to tear up the rails. Subsequently
the entire plant was despatched to Takow, in
the island of Formosa.
Thus ended the pioneer effort to introduce
railways into China. The project was a
bold one, and its results during the brief
period during which the railway was
working showed that commercially the pros-
pects were good. But the scheme was born
out of time. China at that juncture was
not ready for railways. Moreover, foreign
action was deeply distrusted, owing to the
events of the previous decade, and Chinese
statesmen realised that they must at all costs
keep the control of matters in their own
hands. As evidence of the spirit which was
in the ascendant we may quote a few passages
from a memorial sent to the Throne by
Tseng-Kwo-fan, sometime Viceroy of the
Two Kiang, who was described by a British
official writer of note in 1877 as "the
greatest statesman China has produced
during the present century." " If," observed
Tseng, "small steamers be allowed on
inland waters, native craft of every size,
sailors, and pilots will suffer ; if foreigners
are allowed to construct telegraphs and
railways, owners of carts, mules, chairs, and
inns w^ill suffer, and the means of living be
taken away from the coolies. The same
may be said of all demands of foreigners,
except the working of coal mines ; it would
enrich China to borrow foreign appliances
for the extracting coal, and it would appear
to deserve a trial. If foreigners are allowed
to introduce small steamers, railroads, &c.,
they will monopolize the whole profits of
the country ; if our people are allowed to
join with them in introducing them, the rich
will benefit at the expense of the poor —
neither plan is practicable. With respect to
the points which are not highly obnoxious
we should grant them if asked ; it is only
as to railroads, steamers, salt, and residence
in the interior for trade, as destructive to
our people's interest, that a strenuous fight
should be made." Here we have the
guiding spirit of the most enlightened
Chinese policy at this period. The foreigner
was to be tolerated where it was thought
he would do no mischief, but he was to be
kept at arm's length where the means of
communication and residence in the interior
were concerned. It may seem to our view
an essentially narrow way of looking at
things ; but recalling the later history of
railway concessions in China, who shall say
that "Tseng's opinions were not from his
patriotic standpoint absolutely sound ?
Tliere was no doubt in the years follow-
ing the conclusion of the Treaty of Peking a
feiment in the Chinese mind which led to
developments calculated to cause anxiety in
the ranks of the Peking autocracy. An
example of these tendencies is the drift
to the foreign settlements and notably to
Shanghai, of well-to-do Chinese subjects.
Referring to this movement the British Con-
sul at Shanghai, in his report for 1876,
says ; " P'roin a vague apprehension of
future calamities many men of substance
have removed here with their families from
the interior and in several instances have
even taken foreign houses in preference to
Chinese hongs. The shopkeepers have also
improved in their style of buildings, and as
the old rickety tenements are from time
to time swept away by fires they are
invariably replaced by buildings superior to
the ordinary run of Chinese houses. The
natives are likewise learning the value of
brick walls and adopt them in the capacity
of fire walls." Meanwhile the foreign
residents were showing more and more a
disposition to leave their houses in the heart
of the settlement and establish lliemselves in
the country. The Consul speaks in his
report for 1874 of villa residences springing
up like mushrooms in various directions
beyond municipal limits, and he reverts to
the tendency towards a substitution of
Chinese tenements for foreign houses in the
heart of the settlement, and the consequent
depreciation in value of the larger houses.
Another sign of the times upon which
stress is laid in the communications of the
British officials of the period is the growth
of the purely native press. In referring to the
opening of the Chinese Polytechnic Institu-
tion in 1875 the Consul at Shanghai mentions
that ;it the period there were no fewer than
five Chinese daily papers, and that in addition
there were a number of weekly and monthly
organs — most of them very popular and
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
93
increasing in circulation. It should be
mentioned, however, that side by side with
this literary activity so characteristic of the
new spirit was revealed a jealous adhesion
to the old economic ideals. In 1876 an
attempt was made to establish a steam cotton
mill company at Shanghai for the purpose of
manufacturing cotton piece goods from native
grown cotton of a similar quality and weight
to the goods manufactured by the Chinese.
The scheme at the outset received the sup-
port of influential natives. But after a time
the Cotton Cloth Guild took the alarm and
instituted in the native press a crusade against
the project. The idea was circulated that
the hand cloth trade would be immediately
ruined if the mill started working, and when
the apprehensions of the native community
had been sufficiently aroused the Guild passed
a resolution to the effect that no cloth made
by machinery would be permitted to be
purchased. About the same time that this
declaration was made there appeared on the
scene a well-known native resident named
Peng with a project for prosecuting a
Chinese Joint Stock Company with the same
object. It was stated at the time that this
gentleman obtained one of the prospectuses
of the British Company, and after altering it
to suit his purpose presented it to the Super-
intendent of Foreign Trade as a venture
deserving of support. His scheme was
approved by the authorities and was duly
launched with a respectable native backing.
In 1879 the foundations of the mill were
laid and an agreement was entered into with
a British merchant for the supply of the
requisite machinery for an eight hundred
loom mill. But the enterprise, owing to the
incapacity of the directorate, soon got into
difliculties, and operations were suspended
for two years. At the expiration of that
period a new company was formed under
the patronage of the Government, and Peng
was removed from the chairmanship of the
directorate, and Tai, another influential resi-
dent and an expectant Taoutai, appointed in
his place. In the reorganised company the
capacity of the factory was reduced to two
hundred looms, and orders for the machinery
were placed in America. Meanwhile, the
original contract was annulled, Tai paying
the stipulated forfeit of fifteen thousand taels.
It is unnecessary at this point to follow the
fortunes of the venture further. The facts as
they stand are sufficiently complete to illus-
trate the point which was being emphasised
— that the traditional Chinese exclusiveness
was taking the new form of an endeavour to
supplant the foreigner in his own sphere.
Shanghai all this time was developing
rapidly into the fine city it ultimately became.
In 1873 the report of the British Consul
embodied the enclosed table showing the
value of the assessments of land and houses
in the settlement and the number of inhabi-
tants : — •
Land Assessed.
English settlement —
Tads.
Foreign
... 4,812,000
Native
100,000
Hongkew —
Foreign*
530,000
Native. No assessment yet made
Houses.
English settlement —
Foreign ...
Native
Hongkew —
Foreignf
Native ,
Taels.
450,000
503,000
73,000
70,000
1,096,000
Census Avekage.
Chinese, resident 62,844
employed in foreign
hongs 5,556
„ boat population and
vagrants 9,957
Foreigners 2,000
Total ... 80,367
tion. suggested the desirability of a reform
of the municipal constitution. The discussions
on the subject led to the appointment, towards
the end of 1879, of a committee, with Mr. F. B.
Forbes as chairman, to consider the question.
A report was forthcoming suggesting various
changes, the result of which, if carried out,
would have been to increase the electorate
from 403 to 508, and to swell the number of
resident voters from 255 to 360. The report
was considered at a ratepayers' meeting in
March, 1881, and approved. Subsequently, the
revised regulations were sent to Peking for
ratification by the foreign ministers ; but for
some reason or other the requisite assent was
withheld at the time. Not until November,
1898, after a fresh demand had been made
by the ratepayers, did the diplomatic body at
Peking pass the new constitution. In addition
to the reforms recommended by the com-
mittee of 1879, a number of changes suggested
by widened experience of municipal adminis-
tration in the settlement were introduced.
The principal of these had reference to the
-«r'->^?p^-
DYEING AND WINDING SILK.
5,442.000
Actual value supposed to be double.
As an indication of the progress made in
the years which followed the issue of this
table, it is to be noted that in February, 1881,
the Chamber of Commerce published a report
which gave the estimated value of property
in the united settlements at ^^14,250,000.
Trade all the time was increasing with great
rapidity. More than three-fourths of it was
with Great Britain, and the bulk of the
shipping which entered and cleared the port
was British. Germany at this time was
practically nowhere. Indeed, she seemed to
be actually slipping behind in the race. Of
4,248 vessels which visited the port in 1878
only 154 were German, and the Acting
Registrar of shipping in his report for the
year spoke of German interests as " steadily
declining." He added : " Of the many
famous German business houses which used
to do a large business here, only one or two
remain." Twenty years later a very different
tale was told, and to-dav' no one speaks of
German commercial decay in the Far East.
The rapid development of Shanghai, and
with it the increase of the European popula-
t Under new assessment will be 80,000 taels.
compulsory acquisition of land, promotion of
sanitation, and the regulation of building
operations. There was also a provision for
the appointment of a Board of Land Com-
missioners to safeguard the interests of foreign
renters and native owners. These reforms,
it should be stated, applied only to the joint
British and American settlement. The French
concession has its own municipal constitution,
which, in its present form, dates back to 1868.
The later history of both Hongkong and
Shanghai is so largely covered in other
portions of the work that it is only neces-
sary to touch upon the more prominent
points. At Hongkong, after Sir John Pope-
Hennessy's troubled regime there was a brief
interregnum, during which Mr. (afterwards
Sir) William Marsh, the Colonial Secretary,
officiated. In March, 1883, Sir George
Bowen arrived to take charge of the
administration, and directed the affairs of
the Colony on healthy progressive lines for
close upon three years. When he left
Hongkong, on December 19, 1885, Mr.
Marsh agahi temporarily assumed the
control of affairs and continued to discharge
the duties until his retirement in April, 1887.
94 TWENTIETH CENTURY I3IPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
He handed over charge to Major-Geiieral
Cameron, who officiated until Sir Williauj
G. des Voeux, the new Governor, arrived in
the October following. The next four years,
during which this official held office, though
not particularly eventful, were fruitful of
useful work. Amongst other improvements
the praya reclamation scheme was carried
SIR OEOROE FERQUSON BOWEN.
(From "Thirty Years of Coloni.il Govcrninenl."
By Mr. Stanley I^ Poole. Macmillan & Co.)
out. Besides contributing materially to the
attractions and conveniences of the city the
project added 57 acres to the available land
of the island at a point where space was
greatly needed. The execution of the work
was the more welcomed as it synchronised
with a period of remarkable expansion in
Hongkong. So rapid indeed was the
increase of population that some of the most
difficult problems of the administration were
connected with the housing of the people,
who were crowding into the already con-
gested districts of the city. Sir William
des Voeux, dealing with the subject in his
report for 1888, spoke of relief having to
be sought by the opening up of the interior
of the island by tramways, and with
prophetic vision he foreshadowed a time
when the whole of the island would be
covered with dwellings or manufactories. In
the same report Sir William des Voeux drew
an interesting comparison between the Hong-
kong of that period and the island as it
was before the occupation. In place of
"a bare rock with a fisherman's hut here
and there, as the only sign of h.-ibit-ition,
and a great sea basin only very rarely dis-
turbed by a passing keel," was "a city of
closely-built houses, stretching lor some four
miles along the island shore, and rising tier
over tier, up the slopes of the mountain,
those on the upper levels interspersed with
abundant foliage ; while, on the opposite
peninsula of Kowloon .... and along
the whole seaboard, are numerous houses,
together with docks, great warehouses, and
other evidences of a large and thriving
population. Again, the silent and deserted
basin has become a harbour, so covered
with shipping that even if a visitor has
been round the whole world, he could
never before have seen so much in a single
coiift d'ocil. At anchor or moving are some
forty to fifty ocean steamers, including ships
of war, large European and American
sailing vessels, and hundreds of sea-going
junks ; while in the space intervening and
around, are many thousand boats, for the
most part human habitations, with steam
launches rushing in all directions." This
picture of a prosperous Hongkong was not
a bit over-coloured at the time it was
painted, but after Sir William des Voeux
had retired, in May, 1891, a period of de-
pression and public misfortune set in, which
left its mark on the record of the Colony.
First there was commercial trouble, the
product of overspeculation and uncertain
exchange, and then, in 1894, loomed up that
ghastly spectre of the plague, which uii-
liappily, has never yet been completely
exorcised from the island. The history of
the epidemic, or series of epidemics, which
have afflicted the inhabitants is told else-
where. It is only necessary to say here
that the visitations called forth the highest
administrative and scientific skill and that
though, in the fight, the authorities have
had some disappointing checks, they have
brought about an enormous improvement in
the condition of the Colony. The heaviest
and most notable work in connection with
the epidemics occurred during the governor-
ship of Sir William Robinson, who arrived
in the Colony on December 10, 1891, and
who served continuously until February 1,
1898. But it was left to the administration
of his successor. Sir Henry Blake, to apply
the chief remedies which were recom-
mended by two sanitary experts, Mr. Osbert
Chadwick and Dr. Simpson, who were
specially sent out from England for the
purpose of investigating the matter. The
term of office of Sir Matthew Nathan, who
iollowed Sir Henry Blake in the governor-
ship, was, unfortunately, not free from
serious plague troubles. His administration,
however, will always be memorable from
the fact that it covered the period of the
memorable typhoon of September 18, 1904
— a catastrophe of appalling, and as far as
Hongkong is concerned, unprecedented
magnitude. Over ten thousand lives were
lost in the disaster, and property to the
value of many millions of dollars was
destroved. Amongst the victims was the
Right ■ Rev. J. C. Hoare, D.D., Bishop of
Victoria, who was drowned in tlie harbour.
Another event, of more cheerful import,
which marked Sir Matthew's term of
service, was the inauguration of the
Kowloon-Canton railway scheme — an enter-
prise wliich, when completed, as it will be,
SIR ■WILLIAM G. DES VOEUX.
it is expected, in 19 10, will bring Hongkong
into direct land communication with the
great markets of Southern China. After a
busy and useful administration Sir Matthew
Nathan handed over the reins of office to
his successor, Brigadier-General Sir F. D.
Lugard, in April, 1907.
CHAPTER XVIII.
The War between China and Japan — Intervention of Russia, Germany, and France^German Occupation of
Kiaochau— Russian Occupation of Port Arthur — The British at Weihaiwei— Railway Concessions— The Boxer
Rising — The Siege of the Legations at Peking— The International Expedition— The Peace Protocol — The Russo-
Japanese War — Conclusion.
Is recent years the general course of Chinese
history has been prolific of dramatic surprises
and events of the deepest international
import The story of this memorable
period is too fresh to need more than
brief recapitulation here. A convenient
starting point is the war waged by Japan
on China in 1894. That struggle arose
over a dispu'e as to the government of
Korea. Disturbances having occurred at
Seoul, the Korean capital, Japan and China
sent trcKips for the protection of their re-
spective subjects. Afterwards the Japanese
Government put forward a scheme for the
execution of reforms under the joint super-
vision of the two powers, but Chinaj declined
to enterlain the proposals on the ground that
her traditional policy was not to interfere in
the internal affairs of a vassal state. The
refusal led to strained relations between the
two Governments and finally, after a series
of incidents, to actual warfare. Japan was
triumphant on both sea and land. Her
army, commanded by Field Marshal Count
TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 9.5
Yamafiata, inflicted a signal defeat on the
Chinese forces in Nortli Korea on Septem-
ber 17th, and the same day the Chinese fleet
was badly worsted in an engagement at the
mouth of the Yalu River. The tide of war
thereafter swept into Manchuria, and Port
Arthur was besieged and captured. A similar
fate befell Weihaiwei. where the Chinese
fleet, under Admiral 'ling, was either sunk
or taken ; the capture of Yingkow placed
Newchwang at the mercy of the invaders.
Recognising the logic of events, the Chinese
Government made overtures for peace, and a
treaty of peace negotiated by Li Hung Chang
at Shimonosaki was concluded on April 17th
and ratified on May 4th. By the terms of
the arrangement China recognised the in-
dependence of Korea, ceded to Japan the
Liaotung peninsula together with Formosa
and the Pescadore Islands, and agreed to
pay an indemnity of 200,000,000 taels in
eight instalments. It was arranged that
Japan should occupy Weihaiwei temporarily
pending the execution of the provisions of
the treaty. Barely was the ink dry on the
treaty before it was made evident that Japan
was not to be permitted to enjoy the com-
plete fruits of her victory. A movement
projected by Russia, France, and Germany
was set on foot with a view to nullifying
the provision relative to the cession of the
Liaotung peninsula. The principal ground
put forward to justify this intervention was
that the territorial integrity of China must
be maintained. It was a hypocritical reason
— but it served. Recognising the force of
the combination against her, Japan sullenly
agreed to forego ttie prize she had won in
consideration of the payment of an extra
indemnity. A decent interval was allowed
to elapse before the true meaning of this
manccuvre on the part of the three European
powers was revealed. The first indication
of it was conveyed by rumours which were
set afloat at the close of 1896 in reference
to the conclusion of a treaty between China
and Russia giving the latter power the right
to extend the Siberian Railway to Manchuria
and to occupy and fortify Kiaochau, while
she on her part agreed to defend Port
Arthur and Talienwan, As events proved,
the stories in circulation were well founded
as far as the main fact of the conclusion of
a treaty giving Russia wide powers in Man-
churia was concerned. But in the working
out of the details there was a striking change
made by the substitution of Germany for
Russia at Kiaochau. The ostensible cause
of the German occupation was the murder
of two missionaries, subjects of the Kaiser.
It has always been suspected, however, that
the move was part of an understanding
entered inio with Russia, under which
Kiaochau was to fall to Germany as her
share in the proceeds of the Russian Treaty,
However that may be, Germany's appearance
at Kiaochau was quickly followed by the
advent of Russia at Port Arthur and tiy the
adoption of measures for the consolidation of
Russian power in Southern Manchuria. The
course of events was watched with anxious
interest by friends of China, who saw in
these acts a situation full of menacing possi-
bilities for the future. Great Britain, in
accordance with an agreement arrived at at
the time that the Japanese evacualed the
port, on May 24, 1898, occupied Weihaiwei
as a counterpoise to the German and Russian
encroachments, and it also availed itself of
the opportunity to secure an extension of its
territory on the Kowloon peninsula and the
adjacent mainland. But these measures had
little influence on the general situation in
China which rapidly became worse as Russian
ambitions were the more plainly revealed by
successive acts.
The period to which these events refer was
one of great diplomatic tension. The Chinese
Government, staggering under the successive
blows inflicted upon its authority, became
a mark for the attentions of aspiring Euro-
pean powers. Efforts made to stay the
process of disintegration only served to bring
into prominence the magnitude of the pre-
tensions, which were set up. It seemed to
observers that the break-up of the Chinese
Empire was rapidly impending. One form
which the unequal war waged at Peking
between the weak and effete Chinese oflicial-
dom and the bold, self-assertive diplomacy
of Europe took was a struggle for commercial
concessions — chiefly railway concessions.
When the Chinese tore up the rails of the
Shanghai-Woosung Road it was thought that
they had washed their hands for a long period
of railways. But the question, though thrust
into the background, was never out of sight of
the trade representatives of the various Euro-
pean powers, who were alive to the vastness
of the possibilities which centred in railway
expansion in China. From time to time timid
and tentative efforts were made to re-open
the question, and they were so far successful
that in one or two directions small lengths
of line were built, the most notable of these
being the railway from Peking to Tientsin
(which was opened in 1897), and a line con-
necting Tientsin and Taku on the one hand
and Kinchow and Newchwang on the other.
These lines together are part of what is now
known as the Northern Railway, and from
their position they are of great importance.
But they touch only the outer fringe of the
empire and the real exploitation of railway
schemes was left to the period referred to.
Then the matter was pushed in sober earnest.
It seemed a point of honour with each of the
rival European powers to obtain as large con-
cessions as possible. Great Britain, Russia,
F"rance, and Germany w-ere the principal
figures in the struggle, but the United States
also took a hand in it, while Belgium, pushed
forward and backed by Russia, cut in as
occasion offered. The net result of it all was
that by 1900 concessions for the construction
of upwards of 5,000 miles of railway had
been made, while grants for more than
2,000 additional miles were under considera-
tion. One of the earliest of the schemes
sanctioned was a railway 700 miles long
connecting Peking with Hankow in the
Yangtse basin. The concession for this line
was obtained in 1896 by a Belgian syndicate
which had strong support in France. A
second project for linking up Hankow and
Canton, practically a continuation of the
Peking-Hankow railway, was launched by an
American syndicate. In the French sphere
of interest schemes embracing a mileage of
800 were sanctioned, while Germany had con-
cessions for the construction of 845 miles of
line in Shantung, and Russia (apart from
Manchuria) was interested in enterprises north
of Peking, the mileage of which aggregated
150. Besides these great railway under-
takings commercial enterprises of a highly
important character were launched in these
busy days in Peking. The most conspicuous
of the number, perhaps, are those embodied
in the concession of the great British financial
group known as the Peking Syndicate. This
body secured in 1897 the valuable right to
work coal and iron mines in the province
of Shansi — an area containing much unde-
veloped mineral wealth. Included in the
grant obtained from the Government was a
concession for the construction of branch
railwavs to connect the mines with the river
navigation in adjoining provinces and with
main lines of railways. The project, as repre-
senting the first real effort that had been made
to develop the magnificent material resources
of China on scientific lines, was of more than
common interest and importance. Later,
when the concessionaires got to work, they
were impeded in their operations by the
obstructiveness of the Chinese Government,
which put obstacles in the way of the
execution of the railway clauses of the agree-
ment. Nevertheless, the operations of the
syndicate have been on an extensive scale,
and have done much to infuse a spirit of
scientific commercial enterprise into the
Chinese of the area in which the mines are
situated.
Not without indifference were these startling
evidences of the growth of foreign influence
regarded by the Chinese masses. The patri-
otic sentiment was outraged by the apparent
inability of the Government to withstand
the pressure put upon it by the foreign
representatives. The Chinese saw in these
concessions, with the occupation of Port
Arthur, Kiaochau and Weihaiwei, a deep-
seated conspiracy against the integrity of
the Empire and the independence of the
race. For a time there was merely vague
discontent, but gradually there came into
existence a movement which gave vent to
the popular feeling in a prolonged orgy of
riot and outrage which was destined, before
its end, to bring the Chinese dynasty to the
verge of ruin, and to involve China itself in
incalculable damage. A factor which lent
strength to the movement— if it was not in
intimate relation with it, was a coup d'etat
which in 1898 led to the relegation of the
young Emperor Kwangsu to retirement, and
the placing of supreme power once more in
the hands of his aunt, the Dowager Empress.
1 he Dowager Empress was supported by the
most reactionary elements in the country,
and she personally manifested a bigoted
hatred of all foreigners and the innovations
which they brought in their train. Out-
wardly, however, the movement to which
we have referred was a popular ebullition,
with aims which ran counter to governmental
authority. The motive force was supplied
by a secret society, known by the name of
I-ho-chuan, literally. Patriotic Harmony Fists,
or to adopt the most expressive English
synonym — Boxers. 1 he organisation has a
ritual in which gymnastic posturing plays a
considerable part, and upon this for special
purposes of the anti-foreign crusade was
cleverly grafted a cult of occultism, well
calculated to attract the ignorant and super-
stitious. Full membership was held to confer
immunity from bullets, to enable initiates to
walk on air, and to do many miraculous
things. The propaganda, with this attractive
embroidery, soon made itself felt in the fertile
soil of Chinese nationalism. Numbers flocked
to the Boxers' standards wherever they were
raised, and soon the outside world had
evidence of the tendencies of the movement.
The first symptom of the outbreak was
rioting in Southern Pechili in January, 1900.
No steps were taken by the authorities to quell
the disturbances, and as they were gradually
assuming a more serious aspect, the diplo-
matic representatives at Peking, on January
27th, made a joint protest to the Tsung li
Yamen, demanding the publication of an
edict proscribing the Bo.xer organisation and
their doctrines. The Chinese authorities after
their usual manner, attempted to evade
responsihilitv, but, finding that the European
powers were in earnest, they intimated that
thev would issue the required edict. A
proclamation of some kind was made, but it
96 TWENTIETH CENTI RY IMPRESSIONS OF HONOKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
was utterly futile, and the rcvoUitionary
mowinent sained new streiisth and activity
with the immunity it enjoyed. Towards the
end ot April outtireaks iKXurred at Tientsin.
directed by a bnmch organisation known as
the Stct of the Red Fish. Native Christians
were the special objects of attack, and
property belonging tt) the French missionaries
greatly suffered. Urgent protests were lodged
against the kiwlessness of the mob. but the
authorities either would not or could not
control the disruptive forces which had been
let loose. Soon the outbreak extended to
Peking, and the streets became full of roughs
who attacked native converts and insulted
every foreigner they met. At length the
ri»>ting tixik the alanning form of tearing up
the rails, and so severing communic~ition with
the t-oast. Impressed with the growing
seriousness of the situation, the diplomatic
representatives called for assistance from
their respective squadrons, and some four
hundred and fifty men were sent up. The
trouble now assumed an even graver form.
Violent outbreaks occurred in North China,
the foreigners with increasing violence and
determination, murdering and destroying
wherever the hated influence was apparent.
An urgent call from the Legations to the
Admirals for reinforcements led to the
prompt despatch from Tientsin, on June loth,
of a mixed force of fifteen hundred sailors,
under the personal command of Admiral Sir
Edward Seymour, the senior naval ofticer on
the station. The detachment entrained for
Peking, but at I.o-Ja they found that the
permanent way had been destroyed, and that
the route was barred by a large body of
Boxers. As he had with him only three
obsolete field pieces, and a badly equipped
commissariat. Admiral Seymour deemed it
advis;ible not to attempt to proceed. He
conducted a masterly retreat to a point
outside Tientsin where he remained en-
trenched until his little force was relieved by
a column of allied troops on June 25th. On
the following day the united force marched
into the foreign settlements, taking their
wounded with them in safety. While
Admiral Seymour's expedition was proceed-
A PONTOON BRIDGE, TIENTSIN.
and to the destruction of the railway at
Paoting Fu, was added the murder of Messrs.
Norman and Kobcrtson. two missionaries at
Yunching. and the wholesale assassination of
native Christians wherever met with. A
culminating feature of the occurrences was
the murder of the Chancellor of the Japanese
Legation in the streets of Tientsin. The
seriousness of the situation had by this time
impressed itself upon the foreign Govern-
ments, and soon a strong fleet — the largest
ever seen in Chinese waters — assembled at
Taku. But the crisis had now got beyond
the point when any naval demonstration,
however imposing, could ameliorate it. The
Boxers caught up in their movement all
classes of the population. In some places
the officials openly identified themselves with
it ; in others they were powerless to resist
it Later it became perfectly evident that the
Government itself was deeply involved in the
propaganda. At Peking, as June advanced.
the position of affairs, owing to the calculated
inactivity of the authorities, became alarming.
The Boxers cairied on their crusade against
ing, momentous events had occurred else-
where. On Saturday, June i6th, owing to
the menacing character of the situation in
Chihli, the Admirals sent in a demand for
the cession of the Taku forts before the next
morning. The Chinese not only rejected the
ultimatum but commenced hostilities against
the fleet. The inevitable result followed.
The forts were successfully attacked by the
fleet, and finally occupied by the allied forces.
Two days after these occurrences the
Tsung li Yamen sent a notification to the
Embassies demanding their withdrawal by
4 p.m. the following day. The reason
assigned for this step was the attack by the
Allies on the Taku forts, but the general
concensus of opinion of those who had
opportunities of watching on the spot the
development of the crisis, is that the Chinese
authorities were already at this period so
deeply involved in the anti-foreign movement
that the Taku affair only indirectly influenced
their action. However that may have been,
the foreign ministers declined to entertain
the demand of the Yamen. They were
influenced in their decision by the palpable
inability of the Chinese Government, even if
its good faith were beyond reproach, to
afford adequate protection during tlie journey
to the coast, and by the unavoidable necessity
which would arise of leaving thousands of
native Christians who had taken refuge in
Peking to be slaughtered by the Boxers.
When it became known that the Legations
intended to remain, the situation swiftly
advanced to a tragic daioitemeiii. On the
very next day the German Minister, Baron
Von Ketteler, was brutally murdered in
the Peking streets while on his way to
interview the Chinese Ministers. The
attack made on him was the work of
imperial soldiers, and there can be little
doubt of the direct complicity of high-placed
ofiicials in it. Its grave significance was too
obvious to be ignored by the greatest
optimist amongst the foreign ministers.
Immediately measures were taken to place
the Legations in a condition of defence to
withstand the attacks which it was clearly
seen were impending. Before twenty-four
hours had elapsed the historic siege of the
Legations had been entered upon. The
details of that thrilling episode in Chinese
history are too fresh in public memory to
require to be related here. It is only
necessary to say that after weeks of almost
continuous fighting, during which the
defending force showed a splendid spirit of
valour and endurance, the Legations were
relieved by an international relief column,
which, leaving Tientsin on August 3rd, and
pushing steadily onwards, arrived before
Peking on August 13th, and almost
immediately raised the siege. On the day
previously the imperial family had taken
flight into Shansi en route for Si-an-fu,
where it was to remain for many months in
a not too honourable exile. The foreign
military occupation of the Chinese capital
continued for a rather lengthened period, and
even when the main forces were withdrawn
strong detachments were left behind as a
permanent measure of protection. Apart
from the humiliation involved in this
measure the Chinese Government had to
pay dearly for the ineffaceable infamy of its
conduct. The Peace Protocol, finally
arranged between the envoys of the Treaty
Powers and Prince Ching and the late Li
Hung Chang, provided for the payment of
an indenmity of ;t65'00°'°°o> spr^-'i'd over
a period of 39 years, and for a revision of
commercial treaties on lines which were
little to the taste of tlie reactionary Chinese
oflicialdom. Eventually three new treaties
were concluded, one with the United King-
dom, the second with the United States, and
the third with Japan. Under the British
Treaty Changoha in Hunan was opened to
foreign trade, and the arrangements with the
United States and Japan provided for the
inclusion of Mukden, Tatunkow, and Antung,
in Manchuria, amongst the Treaty ports.
China was not involved as a belligerent
in the Kusso-Japanese War of 1904-5, but
the titanic struggle between the giant power
of the north and the little island empire
profoundly affected her interests directly, and
indirectly it has exercised, and still is e.xer-
cising, a powerful influence on her people.
The stirring of the dry bones of Chinese
life, which is one of the remarkable inter-
national phenomena of the day, is, there can
be little doubt, an aftermath of the war.
The spectacle of the Japanese triumphing
over the colossal might of Russia by virtue
of her thoroughgoing adoption and intelligent
application of Western principles of life and
government, has created in the minds of the
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 97
Chinese people a divine discontent with the
old order of thinjis. and from one end of
the empire to the other the spirit of reform
is abroad. Men wlio formerly shouted arro-
gantly with the crowd that China was all-
suHicient and needed nothing from without,
are now crying aloud in the market places
for the introduction of the features of
European civilisation, which has enabled to
be performed what seems to the Eastern
mind to be the greatest miracle of the age.
Me would be a bold man who would
prophesy how far the movement will go.
Chinese conservatism, though it has been
driven from its entrenchments by the events
of the past few years, is still lurking in the
background, and circumstances may in the
future, as in the past, bring it into active life
once more. Looking, however, at the depth
and intensity of the popular desire for
changes designed to be a buckler ag.iinst the
assaults from without, which aforetime have
brought such lamentable humiliation upon
the empire, it would appear that China has
at last really reached the parting of the ways.
The telegraphs, the posts, and the railways,
which are covering the vast dominions with
a network of civilised organisation, are
infusing new blood into the outworn arteries,
and the rapidly growing native press is
educating the inhabitants to new conceptions
of life. Official policy, too, is taking to itself
more and more of the progressive views
which dominate the best systems of Western
government, while the machinery of govern-
ment is being in many respects improved by
the mere elimination of old abuses. In time
there is hope for China — hope that she may
yet rise to the full height of her greatness
and take her position in the world as one of
its mightiest forces. The fears entertained
in some quarters that a real awakening on
her part would be of disastrous import to
the peace of the world are probably chimer-
ical. The Chinese are traditionally an
unaggressive race, and there is no reason to
suppose that the adoption of Western ideas
would work a change within their nature.
Whatever danger there may be for Western
nations in the regeneration of China lies
probably exclusively in the industrial sphere.
There, indeed, we may look for startling
results when the teeming population of the
empire is organised on scientific lines and
its energies are turned to the production of
manufactures of which Europe and America
have now practically the monopoly. Hut
the competition, strenuous though it will be,
will not necessarily be destructive, for we
may rely upon Western energy, aptitude and
pliability of thought, providing means by
which the handicap of cheap Eastern labour
will be met. In any event there will be no
disposition to place obstacles in the way of
Chinese progress if her victories are sought
exclusively in commercial fields.
CONSTITUTION AND LAW.
THE LOCAL LEGISLATURE.
ONGKOXG was created a
Crown Colony by Royal
Charter bearing date April
5, 1843, and on the same
day a Royal Warrant was
issued appointing the Chief
Superintendent of Trade in
China, Sir Henry Pottinger, Bart., K.C.B.,
Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the
Colony and its Dependencies. The Charter
provided for the constitution of a Legislative
Council, with whose advice the Governor
was empowered to enact Ordinances "for
the peace, order, and good government of
the Colony." that would have the force of
law, subject, of course, to the Royal veto.
The constitution of the Government was
subsequently amended several times by the
issue of Letters Patent, but tlie alterations
were of a minor character, extending the
Governor's power of granting pardons to
criminals and remitting lines, and providing
for the administration of the Government in
the event of the Governor's death, incapacity,
or absence.
Upon the receipt of the original Charter of
1843, a Government was promptly organised,
and an E.xecutive and Legislative Council
were formed, each consisting of three Official
members, exclusive of the Governor. On
January 11, 1844, the newly appointed Legis-
lative Council commenced their sittings, and
in the next four months passed on an average
one Ordinance a week. Dissatisfaction soon
arose owing to the exclusively official char-
acter of the Legislative Council, which, a
local journalist declared, had no real power.
" Such a Council," he added, " may suit the
Pacha of Egypt, but in a British Colony it
is shameful."
Various changes took place in the con-
stitution of the Councils during the next
year or two, but in spite of the continuous
demands of the British community for
representation, Sir John Davis refused during
his Governorship (1844 48) to make any con-
cession. The leading merchants of the
Colony drew up a petition to the Home
Government in January, 1849, praying for
some form of popular representation on the
governing body— a privilege which, it was
pointed out, had not been w.thheld from any
other British Colony. Nine months later. Sir
George Bonham, who was then Governor,
invited the Justices of the Peace to select
two of their number for admission to the
Legislative Council.
When Sir J. Bowring became Governor in
1854, the Legislative Council was presided
over by the Lieut. -Governor, and consisted
of six members — four officials, including the
President, and two non-ofiicials. In the
following year a proposal was submitted to
Mr. Labouchere, the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, for enlarging the basis of the
Legislative Council by introducing four
additional official and three non-official mem-
bers, giving a total of thirteen members,
exclusive of the Governor. Mr. Labouchere
demurred to so great an enlargement, but
sanctioned a moderate addition, and at the
same time expressed his approval of the steps
which had been taken in laying the estimates
before the Legislative Council, and inviting
their observations upon the items of public
expenditure. The Colonial Treasurer and
Chief Magistrate, and a third representative
of the general community were accordingly
introduced, the relative proportions of offi-
cials and non-officials being thus preserved —
the Council consisting of six members of the
Government and three representatives of the
community.
Sir J. Bowring subsequently added the
Surveyor-General and then the Auditor-
General to the Council. This evoked a
spirited protest on December 4, 1858, from
the unofficial members, who pointed out that
His Excellency had now arrived at the lunn-
ber of official members (8) proposed by him
and disapproved by Mr. Labouchere, whereas
the unofficial elem<;nt, during the same period,
had been increased by only one. The pro-
test appears to have had no effect beyond
eliciting an expression of opinion from Sir
H. Robinson, who succeeded to the
Governorship shortly afterwards, that for
the future the official members should never
bear to the unoflicial members a greater
proportion than two to one.
In the meantime, in consequence of the
independent attitude which was adopted by
so ne of the officials — notably by the
Attorney-General and the Chief Magistrate —
it was provided in 1858, by order of the
Home Government, that henceforth they
must either vote in favour of Government
measures or resign their seats. The censure
of the Colonial Treasurer, under this order,
in 1865, for seconding the motion of an
unofficial member to eliminate Irom the
estimates the item relating to the military
contribution of the Colony brought a protest
from the general community, who urged that
their three representatives were practically
powerless when opposed to seven officials
acting in concert. In deference to this
representation, Sir R. MacDonnell, the
Governor, on August 27, 1869, appointed
another unofficial member to a seat vacated
by an official, thereby reducing the disparity
from 7 — 3 to 6 — 4.
Subsequently, however, the proportion fell
to five officials and three unofficials, and, on
February 26, 1880, the Hon. P. Ryrie asked
whether the Governor would recommend an
addition to the number of unoflicial mem-
bers on the ground that the proportion of
three unofficial members to live official
members, besides the Governor, was unsatis-
factory. Sir J. P. Hennessy answered that
he had already suggested to the Secretary
of State that the number of unofficial mem-
bers should be raised to four or five, and in
the following year another unofficial member
was added.
A small measure of popular representation
was conceded by the Home Government in
1883, in deference to the advice of Sir
George Bowen, Ihe Governor, and the
right of nominating one member each was
accordingly given to the Chamber of Com-
merce and the Justices of the Peace. In
opening the first meeting of the newly con-
stituted Legislative Council, on February
28th of the following year, the Governor
used these memorable words: "It will
always be one of the most satisfactory
reminiscences of my long public career that
I have been able to procure a more ade-
quate representation in this Council of the
community at large. I am confident that
the Government will derive valuable aid
from the local knowledge and experience of
the unofficial members, and I also believe
that you will agree with me that tliere
neither is, nor ought to be, any antagonism
between the official and the unofficial
element in the Legislature. All the members
can have no other object but to secure the
general welfare, and to advance the progress
of the Colony." His Excellency went on to
point out that the debate on the Governor's ad-
dress at the opening of each annual session
would afford the members Ihe usual constitu-
tional opportunity of expressing their opinion
on the conduct ;uid proposals of the Govern-
ment, and he recommended the appointment
of a Committee of Finance (consisting of the
whole Council), a Committee of Laws, and
a Committee of Public Works to examine,
100 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
in the hrst instance, the details o( every
propt^sed vote and measure.
By ro>-al instrument, in 1886, the number
of official members of the Legislative
Council was fi.\ed at seven, and that of the
unofficial members at five.
In l9*^ an appeal was addressed to the
House of Commons by the residents of the
Colony, in favour of (I) the majority of the
Legislative Council being composed of elec-
ted representatives of British nationality ;
(2) perfect freedom of debate for the official
members, with power to vote according to
their conscientious con\ictions ; (3) complete
control in the Council over loc"al expen-
diture ; (4) the management of local affairs,
and (5) a consultative voice in questions of
an imperial character. The Marquess of
Ripon. in replying to the petitioners, ex-
pressed the opinion that the Colony had
been well governed. The fact that such a
politically timid race as the Chinese had
settled in the Colony in such large numbers
was practical and irrefutable evidence that the
Government must at least have possessed
some measure of strength and of justice.
Though holding out no hope that Hongkong
would cease to be a Crown Colony, and
stating that he was not inclined to add to
the numbers of the unofficial members of
the Legislative Council without increasing
also the number of official members, the
noble Marquess went on to suggest that
"some understanding might be come to,
that, in the case of discussion of specified
local subjects— at any rate so long as there
was no municipality in existence in Hong-
kong — one or more unofficial members
should be summoned to take part in the
proceedings in the Executive Council, with-
out giving them seats on the Council for all
purposes." On May 29, 1896, Mr. Cham-
berlain, who had meanwhile succeeded the
Marquess of Ripon as Secretary of State for
the Colonies, wrote, in continuation of the
same subject : '• As Hongkong is to remain
a Crown Colony, no useful purpose would
be served, but, on the contrary, a consider-
able amount of needless irritation would be
caused, by balancing even the unofficial
members and the officials. But, having
regard to the fact that, in the absence of the
Governor, the officer commanding the troops
will in future administer the Government, I
consider that it would be of advantage that
he should be a member of the Legislative
Council, and, if he is added to it, I am
willing to add one unofficial member to the
unofficial bench. Who the latter should be,
and what special interest, if any, he should
represent, I leave to the Governor to deter-
mine. I may observe, however, that the
Chinese community is the element which
is least represented, while it is also by far
the most numerous, and that I should regard
as valuable any step which tended to attach
them more closely to the British connexion
and to increase their practical interest in
public affairs." Mr. Chamberlain added that,
"in view of the fact that the Colonial Govern-
ment was discharging municipal duties,
representatives of the citizens might fairly
be given a place on the Executive." He
therefore proposed that "the Executive
Council shall in future include two unofficial
members to be selected at the discretion of
the Governor. It is obviously desirable,"
he proceeded, " that they should, as a rule,
be chosen from among the unofficial mem-
bers of the Legislative Council, and the
choice should, and no doubt will be, inspired
by consideration of personal merit, and have
no reference to the particular class or race
to which the persons chosen belong."
In accordance with the terms of this
despatch, the number of public representa-
tives upon the Legislative Council was
increased to six, and two unofficial members
were added to the E.xecutive Council. At
the present day the Executive consists of
eight members, and the Legislative Council
of thirteen members, not including the
Governor, who presides.
Concurrently with the demand (or some
measure of popular representation on the
Legislative Council in January, 1849, an
agitation arose in favour of a system of
Municipal Government. In reply to a clause
urging this reform in the petition submitted
to the House of Commons by the leading
merchants of the Colony, Earl Grey, in the
following October, wrote that he could see
no general objection to the proposal, but he
hesitated to pronounce upon it until some
definite scheme was formulated. Accordingly,
in November, Sir George Bonham, the Gover-
nor, after expressing his agreement with the
principle of giving the ratepayers some form
of Municipal Government, although doubting
the practicability of its application to Hong-
kong, requested fifteen unoflicial Justices of
the Peace, whom he summoned to a con-
ference, to consult together upon the organi-
sation of a " Municipal Committee of Police
Commissioners." At their first meeting on
December 6, 1849, the Justices of the Peace
passed the following resolutions : — First, that
no advantage could be derived from having a
Municipal Council unless the entire manage-
ment of the police, of the streets and roads
within the precincts of the town, and of all
other matters was given to the Corporation or
confided to it ; and, secondly, that, whereas the
mode of raising so much of the revenue from
land rents is only retained as being the most
convenient and is in lieu of assessment and
taxes, consequently the amount raised from
that source, together with the ;^3,ooo or
;f4,ooo raised from licences and rents, should,
with the police assessments, be made applic-
able, so far as may be required, for municipal
purposes.
In response to this. Sir George Bonham,
being desirous of meeting the wishes of the
community as far as possible, offered, on
January 10, 1851, to place the whole
management of the police under the control
of a Municipal Committee, on condition that
the entire expense of the force was met by an
adequate police tax. He further proposed to
hand over to this Committee of Management
all streets, roads, and sewers, on the under-
standing that the necessary funds were
provided, either by an assessed tax on real
property, or by a tax upon horses and car-
riages, as the general revenue of the Colony
would prove insufficient for the purpose. The
Justices replied declining both the Governor's
offers. Whilst expressing their willingness
to undertake the duties of a Municipal Com-
mittee, they objected, first, that any further
tax would be injurious, as the cost of living
was already exorbitant ; and, secondly, that
the police tax would not be sufficient to
provide the necessary funds, because, whilst
the Colony remained a rendezvous for pirates
and outlaws, the police force was too small,
and was composed of too untrustworthy and
ill-paid material. The discussion closed with
the Governor's declaration, on March 15,
1851, that "As the Justices objected to any
further taxes, and as application to the Home
Government for further grants would, in view
of recent discussions in the House of
Commons, be of no avail, it was impossible
for him to meet the views of the Justices."
From this date the matter seems to have
lain dormant in the minds of the local
community until 1894, when a memorial on
this and cognate subjects was addrcssetl to
the Home Government, as previously stated.
The Marquess of Ripon replied that, althoujih
he would like to see a Municipal Council
established in Hongkong, he was not prepared
to sanction any important change of adminis-
tration " until the necessary measures for
protecting the health of the Colony had been
finally decided upon and brouglit into opera-
tion." Moreover, his Lordship foresaw the
difficulty of separating Municipal from Colonial
matters. Referring to the subject in his
famous despatch of May 29, 1896, Mr.
Chamberlain, who was then Secretary of
State for the Colonies, declared that it
seemed to him impracticable to grant a
Municipal Council to Hongkong, "for this
reason, among others : that the Colony and
the Municipality would be in great measure
co-extensive, and it would be almost im-
possible to draw the line between Colonial
and Municipal matters." In these circum-
stances, as has been seen, the right hon.
gentleman advocated the inclusion of two
unofficial menihcrs in the Executive Council.
In the meantime, that is to say in 1883, as
the result of a report made by Mr. Osbert
Chadwick on the deplorable sanitary con-
dition of the Colony, a permanent Sanitary
Board, consisting of eight members, had been
established with a nominated unoflicial
element. This Board was reconstituted under
the Public Health Ordinance of 1887, and
the public were granted the right of electing
two representatives, an unofficial majority
being also conceded. In 1895, "i'^ Medical
Officer of Health was appointed to a seat on
the Board, whereupon all the unoflicial
members, save one, resigned as a protest.
Eventually the storm subsided, and, in
deference to the opinion of the general
community ascertained by a plebiscite taken
by the Chamber of Commerce, an ordinance
was passed in 1901 n.\ing the official repre-
sentation at four, and the unofficial at six.
Two years later, however, the Sanitary Board
was converted into a Sanitary Department of
the Government, presided over by the
Principal Civil Medical Officer, who was
held directly responsible for the administra-
tion of sanitary matters. By tliis change,
which was based upon a report presented by
Mr. Chadwick and Prof. Simpson, the Board
became little more than an advisory com-
mittee. In 1907 a Commission deplored this
practical disfranchisement of the public, and
recommended that any matters relating to
sanitation (except control of the water supply,
public roads, and sewers), building nuisances,
and the construction or alteration of buildings
which were then dealt with by the building
authority should be transferred to the Sanitary
Board, to be hereafter designated the Sanitary
and Building Board — composed of four
official and six unofficial members — which
should elect its own president, have the
complete ordering of its own affairs, and be
accountable to the Governor for the expen-
diture of funds voted by the Legislative
Council, on estimates furnished by the Board.
In response to these recommendations, the
Government introduced a Bill in March, 1908,
which provided for the transference of the
duties of the Board, under the Building
Ordinance to the Public Works Department,
as a means of ending the division of
authority, of which complaint had been made.
The constitution of the Board it was arranged
should be altered by the withdrawal of the
Principal Civil Medical Officer, and the
Captain Superintendent of Police, in whose
stead a cadet, with experience of the Chinese,
and the Medical Officer of Health should
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 101
be appointed. The cadet was to act as
administrative head of the department, and
be responsible to the Government, and not, as
the Commission sujigested, to the Sanitary
Board. In regard to the other points
raised, it was proposed that the head of
the department should, before March 31st
of each year, lay the estimates before the
Sanitary Board for discussion, together with
any proposals which he might liave to make
regarding works of a sanitary nature included
in the vote for public works e.xtraordinary ;
that he should consult the Sanitary Board
on all changes giving effect to sanitary bye-
laws ; that he should inform the Board of
any change in the organisation of the staff ;
that he should inform them regarding any
recommendations for appointment or leave
or dismissal of the European staff ; and that
he should lay before them any complaint of
the public regarding the staff. This measure
encountered strong opposition, but it passed
into law in substantially this form on July 3,
1908.
THE COURTS.
When the East India Company's monopoly
of trade in China ceased, an Act was passed
in the third and fourth years of the reign of
William IV., conferring upon the Crown the
power of appointing Superintendents of Trade
and of governing by Orders in Council all
British subjects within the dominions of the
Emperor of China. Under the powers granted
by this Act a Court of Justice was appointed
in Canton, with criminal and admiralty juris-
diction, for the trial of all offences and the
settlement of all cases that might be brought
before it. Of this court the Superintendent
of Trade was president. When, under the
Treaty of Nanking in 1842, Hongkong was
ceded to Great Britain, and four other ports
were thrown open to trade, the Emperor of
China renounced all authority over British
subjects, and, accordingly, in the sixth and
seventh years of the reign of Queen Victoria
Acts were passed empowering the Superin-
tendent of Trade, at that time the Governor
of Hongkong, to enact, with the advice of
the Legislative Council of the Colony, such
laws and ordinances as might seem " neces-
sary for the peace, order, and good govern-
ment of Her Majesty's subjects within the
dominions of the Emperor of China," and
" within any vessel not more than 100 miles
from the coast."
By an order of the Privy Council dated
January 4, 1843, the Criminal and Admiralty
Courts, which had been held at Canton since
1833, were removed to Hongkong, and they
were granted jurisdiction over British subjects
in the " island and within the dominions of the
Emperor of China, and the ports and havens
thereof, and on the high seas within 100 miles
of the coast of China." It was further directed
that the Court should be held by the Chief
Superintendent of Trade.
In the meantime formal official possession
had been taken of the island of Hongkong,
and on April 30, 1841, Captain Elliott, the
British plenipotentiary in China, issued a
warrant appointing Major Caine Ciiief Magis-
trate, requiring him in the case of natives
to exercise authority " according to the laws,
customs, and usages of China," and in the
case of all others " according to the customs
and usages of British police law." The proviso
was added that the head of the Government
should be consulted in any case where the
crime, according to Chinese law, involved
imprisonment for more than three months,
penalties exceeding ?4oo, corporal punishment
exceeding a hundred lashes, or capital punish-
ment. On the same date were published
" rules and regulations for the British mer-
chant shipping and for the marine magis-
trates." In the following year the powers
of the Chief Magistrate and of the Marine
Magistrate were increased in certain respects,
the jurisdiction of the Chief Magistrate in
civil matters being raised to $250, with power
to confine debtors if necessary.
In the Charter under which Hongkong
was created a Crown Colony in 1843,
clauses were contained authorising the estab-
lishment of properly constituted courts to
administer the law, the Governor being
empowered to remit any fine not exceeding
£50, to suspend the payment of penalties
above that amount until the Royal pleasure
was ascertained, and to grant a free and
unconditional pardon to any convicted
person. The Chief Magistrate remained the
chief judicial officer in the Colony until
1844, when a Chief Justice was appointed.
In October of the same year the Supreme
Court was opened, and, except for the
Criminal and Admiralty Court presided over
by Sir Henry Pottinger, the Governor and
Chief- Superintendent of Trade under the old
law, this was the first time that a regularly
constituted Criminal Court for trial by jury
had sat in China.
It was enacted that the law of England
should be in full force except where it
might be inapplicable to the local circum-
stances of the Colony or its inhabitants, and
that in all matters relating to the proceed-
ings of the Supreme Court the practice of
the English courts should obtain unless, and
until, otherwise ordered by rule of the Court.
The same jurisdiction as that whicli was law-
fully held by the judges in England, both on
the Common Law and Chancery side, was
conferred upon the Supreme Court of Hong-
kong, and express power was given to the
Court to admit and enrol barristers and
solicitors to practice their profession in the
Colony. Power, also, was given to the
Chief Justice to order the arrest of abscond-
ing debtors.
A court with Admiralty jurisdiction within
the Colony was created by Letters Patent of
January 10, 1846. It was coinposed of the
Governor, the Chief Justice, the Officer
Commanding the Troops, the Colonial
Secretary, the Chief Police Magistrate, and
the flag officers or captains of ships of war
in the harbour. Either of these com-
missioners could examine or commit those
charged with piracy. Trials could be held
by three of the commissioners, including
the Governor or the Chief Justice. The
Court was opened on January 14, 1847, with
a grand jury and petty jury in attendance.
It was abolished in 1850, and its functions
were transferred to the Supreme Court.
In 1847, the Supreme Court was so over-
burdened with trivial cases that the powers
of the Magistrates and Justices of the Peace
were extended. With the object of further
relieving the congestion, a Court of Petty
Session was established in 1849. This court
sat once a week, and was composed of a
Magistrate, who occupied the chair, and such
of the Justices of the Peace as cared to
attend. Although this change was a step in
the right direction, the Ordinance under
which it was effected unfortunately left the
stipendiary during the remaining five days
of the week invested with powers which
were formerly exercised only by a judge
and jury.
This arrangement continued in force until
1862, when a Court of Summary Jurisdiction,
presided over by a judge called the Judge
of the Court of Summary Jurisdiction, was
established, with power to deal with cases
in which the amount involved did not
exceed $r,ooo. In order to make provision
for the salary of the new judge, the salaries
of the Chief Magistrate and the Assistant
Magistrate were abolished, and two Police
Magistrates were appointed in their stead.
From this date the Justices of the Peace
ceased to have any criminal jurisdiction, and
at the present day their powers are confined
to granting licenses, visiting the gaol, hos-
pitals, and asylums, and awarding punishment
to refractory prisoners when the power of
the Superintendent of the Gaol is not sufficient
to deal adequately with the case. The Court
of Summary Jurisdiction was abolished in
1873, its powers being transferred to the
Supreme Court, over the summary jurisdiction
of which a puisne judge was appointed to
preside.
By an Order in Council dated April 17,
1844, Her Britannic Majesty's Consular Officers
residing at the several ports were invested
with jurisdiction over British subjects within
their respective districts for the repression
and punishment of crime, and for the settle-
ment of disputes and contentions. In the
exercise of this authority it was stipulated
that they were to be governed by the laws
and ordinances promulgated by the Super-
intendent of Trade (who was at that time,
and for many years after, the Governor of
Hongkong) with the advice of the Legislative
Council of Hongkong. The right of appeal
to the Supreme Court of Hongkong in certain
cases was allowed. By an Order of the
Queen in Council in November, 1853, the
powers of the Consular officers and Super-,
intendent of Trade were extended, authority
was vested in the Chief Superintendent of
Trade (as distinct from the Governor of
Hongkong), and in the Consuls and Vice-
Consuls in their respective districts, subject
to the approval of the Chief Superintendent,
to make and enforce by fine and imprison-
ment rules and regulations for the observance
of treaties, and for the peace, order, and
good government of British sul)jects within
the dominions of the Emperor of China.
The Consuls were further authorised to hear
and decide all civil suits between British
102 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
subjects or between British subjects and
Chinese, subject in the former case to appeal
to the Supreme Court of Hongkong should
the sum in dispute exceed $1,000. and to
the Chief Superintendent in a suit for less
than that amount. The Consuls were em-
powered to inquire into all crimes and
offences charged against any British subject,
and. on conviction, to iuHict the punishment
provided for under the Order. They were
also invested with the power of deporting
refractory subjects. Appeals from the de-
cisions of the Consular Court relating to
breaches of rules and regulations lay lo the
Chief Superintendent. For all other crimes
and offences recognised as such under Ihe
law of England, the Chief Superintendent,
Consuls, or Vice-Consuls were empowered
to impose a fine not exceeding $1,000, to
inflict a sentence of twelve months' imprison-
ment, or to send the case for trial before
the Supreme Court of Hongkong.
The new regime was not altogether satis-
factory. In the case of murder or arson the
maximum punishment which the Consuls
could award was inadequate, yet it was the
only one that could with certainty be applied.
To send a criminal to Hongkong for trial
was. as a general rule, equivalent to acquit-
ting him, for in the case of serious crimes
against Chinese it was impossible to adduce
sufficient evidence to obtain a conviction
from a Hongkong jury. In civil suits, which
were increasing daily in number and impor-
tance with the growth of trade, the Consular
Officers were without that knowledge of the
law which alone could ensure a proper
respect for their decisions, and merchants
and others were put to great expense by
being obliged to take their cnses either
directly, or indirectly by appeal, to the
Supreme Court of Hongkong, where the
judgments of Ihe inferior courts were in-
variably reversed.
After 1859 the Governor of Hongkong had
no jurisdiction beyond the territorial limits
of the Colony. The Minister Plenipotentiary
and Chief Superintendent of Trade at the
Court of Peking had power to make and
enforce all such rules and regulations as
appeared to him necessary or expedient for
the preservation of peace and order among
British subjects of all classes in China, and
for the maintenance of friendly relations with
the Chinese. In all cases that arose under
these rules and regulations he was the judge
of appeal. Her Britannic Majesty's Minister
in Japan was granted similar power in that
kingdom.
On March 9, 1865, a Queen's Order in
Council was passed which hnally severed the
British communities in China and Japan from
the Colony of Hongkong by giving them a
Supreme Court of Civil and Criminal Judica-
ture at Shanghai, with subordinate tribunals
at the various courts. Shortly after this
there was an agitation in favour of making
the Supreme Court of Hongkong the head
Court of Appeal. This agitation arose in
consequence of different decisions which had
been given with regard to the bankruptcy
laws by the Chief Justice of Hongkong and
the Chief Judge of Shanghai. The one in-
sisted that before a firm could file a petition
in bankruptcy it was necessary for all the
partners to be present, whereas the other
held that the atiendance of the resident
partner or partners was sufficient. Nothing,
however, resulted from the agitation or from
the demand which was put forward in 1878
for the creation of a Court of Appeal inter-
mediate between the Supreme Courts of
Hongkong, China, and Japan and the Privy
Council.
The constitution of the Supreme Court of
Hongkong was amended in 1873 by an ordi-
nance which enacted, inter alia, that a puisne
judge should be appointed to perform any
judicial or other act which the Chief Justice
was authorised to perform ; and that there
should be an appeal from every decision of
either of the judges, or from the decision of a
magistrate, to a full court, consisting of the
Chief Justice and the Puisne Judge, the former
possessing a double or casting vote in the
event of there being a difference of opinion.
This Ordinance remains in force to-day.
Criminal Sessions are held monthly, and
they are presided over by the Chief Justice,
or, in his absence, by the Puisne Judge.
When there is a heavy calendar both Judges
hold courts, and have power to pass
sentence of death subject to the veto of
the Governor in Council. In normal cir-
cumstances the principal duties of the Puisne
Judge are to preside over the Court of
Summary Jurisdiction, which is analagoiis
to a County Court in Great Britain. For
obvious reason the constitution of the Court
of Appeal is regarded as capable of improve-
ment, and for some time there has been a
demand for the appointment of a third
judge, for which the pressure of work in
the Supreme Court alone furnishes ample
justification. In the case of a suit involving
not less than ;£l500 there is a final appeal to
the Privy Council.
Barristers and attorneys who have qualified
in the United Kingdom are alone entitled to
practise before the courts. In the early
days both branches of the legal profession
were amalgamated, but later on, when the
number of legal practitioners increased, they
were kept distinct, in spite of the protests of
the general community. By an Ordinance
passed in 1856 it was provided that any
person who had served for not less than
three years as Registrar, Deputy Registrar,
Clerk, or Interpreter of the Supreme Court,
or of a judge of that court, as a clerk to
the Attorney-General, or as a clerk of the
peace, should be eligible to practise as an
attorney, solicitor, or proctor upon satisfying
a Board of Examiners, consisting of the
Attorney-General, a Barrister or Registrar of
the Supreme Court, and two practising
attorneys, of his fitness. This Ordinance,
however, was repealed in 1871.
THE LAWS.
By C. D. WILKINSON, Solicitor, Hongkong.
By the first Charter of the Colony of Hong-
kong in 1843, it was provided that the laws
then existing in England should be in force
in Hongkong, except so far as they were
inapplicable to the ItK-al circumstances of the
Colony or of its inhabitants. The local cir-
cumstances necessarily rendered inapplicable
certain laws then, and still, in force in
England ; such, for instance, as the Mortmain
Act, which, although the question of its appli-
cability to Hongkong has never arisen in the
Court of this Colony, was declared by the
House ol Lords in the case of Whicker v.
Hume 17. H.L., 124I not to be applicable to any
of the colonics. It would appear never to have
been definitely settled by the Supreme Court
of Hongkong that any particular statute or
statutes in force in England, prior to 1843,
has or have no application to this Colony.
The question seems to have arisen but once,
when two persons were convicted by the
magistrate of the criminal offence of champerty
and maintenance. The defendants in this case
appealed to the full Court against the magis-
trate's decision, and on their behalf it was
argued, upon the strength of the judgment
of the Privy Council in the case of Ram
Coomar Coondoo and Anor v. Chundar Canto
Mookerjee (2 Ap. Ca. : 186), that the old
English laws with regard to champerty and
maintenance, which, though unaltered, had
fallen into desuetude in England, were as
much inapplicable to the inhabitants of Hong-
kong as, it was held in the case cited, they
were to the inhabitants of India. The full
Court did not decide the point, but allowed
the appeal on other grounds.
The provisions of the Ordinance of 1845
that " the law of England shall be in full
force " made it appear that all statutes already
enacted in England after April 5, 1843, and
thereafter to be enacted, were by that Ordi-
nance extended to the Colony ; but this not
being the intention of the Legislature, an
Ordinance (No. 2 of 1845) was in the following
year passed, which provided that such of the
laws of England only (subject to the
exception of their applicability to the circum-
stances of the Colony and its inhabitants), and
such portion of the practice of the English
courts, as existed on April 5, 1843, should
be in force in the Colony from thenceforth.
However, although many statutes of impor-
tance were enacted in England after 1843,
the provisions of which might have been
usefully introduced into the Colony, very little
trouble, apparently, was taken for many years
by the Legislature to amend the law in this
Colony as it had been amended in England.
Occasionally, necessary ordinances were
passed relating to procedure, adopting tlie
methods provided by English statutes then
recently enacted. Of course no provision
made by a local ordinance of a Colony could
deprive the Home Government of power
expressly to extend to the Colony the pro-
visions of any statute enacted subsequently
to 1843. Moreover, the right of our Sovereign
to make all such laws as might appear
necessary for the peace, order, and good
government of the Colony was expressly
reserved by the Charter.
The first Ordinance of any particular
importance which was passed after the
Colony obtained a local legislature by virtue
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. lOB
of its Charter, was one which provided for
the registration of deeds, documents, and
judgments affecting landed property in
Honglvong, Ordinance No. 3 (now styled
No. I) of 1844, whereby a land office was
established, in which, it was provided, all
such deeds, documents, and judgments should
be registered within the period of time
mentioned — one month after execution in the
case of all documents executed in the Colony,
or twelve months if executed in any other
place. Neglect to obey the provisions of this
Ordinance, it was further provided, should
render such deeds and documents absolutely
null and void to all intents and purposes as
against any subsequent boihi fide purchaser
or mortgagee of the property affected.
The establishment, by this Ordinance, of a
register of titles to landed property rendered
conveyancing a comparatively easy matter,
although considerable difficulties have occa-
sionally been experienced by reason of the
custom among the Chinese of purchasing
property in a "Tong" name, that is to say,
a name invented to represent a family, or a
body of persons descended from a common
ancestor. In the early days of the Colony
this custom was apparently unknown to legal
practitioners, with the result that titles to
some properties were subsequently found to
be much complicated. Of late years, however,
the Chinese themselves have come to under-
stand that in dealing with landed property in
this Colony, use must not be made of a
"Tong" name.
The tenure of practically all the land in
Hongkong and its dependencies is under
lease from the Crown for a term of either
999 years or 75 years, the Colony deriving
a very large part of its revenue from the
Crown rents payable under these leases.
Crown leases for the shorter term usually
contain a provision giving the lessee a right
of renewal of the lease upon the expiration
of the term, when, however, the Crown
rent may be readjusted.
In the early days of the Colony by far the
greater number of residents were not British
subjects, but Chinese. Many, as at the present
time, were aliens from European countries.
For some reason, which is by no means
clear, doubts arose regarding the rights of
other than natural-born British subjects to
hold and transfer landed property within the
Colony. Accordingly an Ordinance was
passed in 1853 for the purpose of removing
these doubts, and it was provided that it
should be lawful for any alien to acquire,
hold, sell, and transfer any lands, or other
immovable property in the Colony as fully
and effectually to all intents and purposes, as
if he were a British subject residing in the
Colony. Recently similar doubts have arisen
with regard to foreign corporations, and,
although it is conceived that the necessity for
such provision does not arise, inasmuch as
the Mortmain Acts do not apply, and a
foreign corporation is for all other purposes
regarded by our law as an entity, it has been
considered advisable to provide expressly by
Ordinance that a foreign corporation shall be
entitled to hold and transfer land in the
Colony. The transmission and devolution of
landed property in the Colony is governed by
the laws of England as they existed prior to
1843. The Statute of 8 and 9 Vict., c. 106,
not having been expressly extended to the
Colony, and its provisions not having been
introduced here by any Ordinance, it is un-
necessary for the purpose of rendering valid
at law a lease of landed property for a term of
over three years, to make such lease by deed.
Nevertheless, it has been the invariable practice
in the Colony to follow the home practice in
this respect, and also in regard to assign-
ments of property. The Conveyancing Act
of 1881 not being in force in Hongkong,
deeds relating to land are necessarily more
lengthy than they are now required to be in
England.
On the death intestate of the owner of
landed property in the Colony, the land,
being leasehold, devolves upon his adminis-
trators in trust for his next of kin. Should
the owner of property die leaving a will,
the terms of that will govern the devolution
of such property, provided the will is exe-
cuted in due form, according to English law.
But in the case of a will made by a Chinese
testator, whether a native of, or domesticated
in, Hongkong or the Empire of China,
special provision was made by Ordinance
in 1856 to the effect that if the same be
proved to have been made according to
Chinese laws and usages, it shall be treated
as a valid will for the purpose of trans-
mitting property in the Colony. At the time
of the passing of the Ordinance it was evi-
dently not comprehended by the Legislature
that there were not then, as there are not
now, laws and usages in China with regard
to wills ; but that property in that country
devolves upon the next succeeding head of
the deceased's family, who, however, is
supposed to have a certain regard for the
wishes of the deceased, expressed verbally
or in writing, and whose conduct will be, to
some extent, regulated by the elders of the
village. The Ordinance, therefore, is prac-
tically of little or no use.
In by far the greater number of instances
where a Chinaman has amassed property in
Hongkong and died, he has learned the
advisability of making a will, and the
necessity for having two attesting witnesses
to it. If he has omitted to make a will it is
believed, though the fact can seldom be
proved, that after his death a will is pre-
pared, appointing executors, which purports
to have been executed by him, and to have
been duly attested. Such a will, however, is
generally a perfectly just one according to
Chinese ideas, and is therefore not disputed,
the sole object in propounding it being to
avoid the necessity for finding the security
which is required to be found by the admini-
strator of an intestate's estate. The Chinese
are a business people, and a Chinaman be-
coming surety for another always requires,
and is considered to be entitled to, payment
for his services.
The Married Women's Property Acts in
England not h.iving been extended to Hong-
kong, the old law at home remained in force
here until quite recently, a married woman
being incapable of entering into valid con-
tracts, or of suing or being sued, except
under the special provisions (Section 8) of
the Supreme Court (Summary Jurisdiction)
Ordinance, 1873, which provides that no
person shall be exempted from suing or
being sued for any debt or damages not
exceeding $1,000 by reason of coverture
where the husband is not resident in the
Colony. However, in 1906 it was con-
sidered advisable to amend the law in this
respect, and to place married women in
Hongkong in the same position as their
sisters in England. Accordingly an Ordinance
was passed introducing into the Colony prac-
tically all the provisions of the Married
Women's Property Act, 1882, whereby it is
provided that a married woman may acquire,
hold, and dispose of property, and may sue
and be sued as if she were a fcmmc sole.
The tendency in the Colony at the present
time is to assimilate its laws, so far as it can
conveniently be done, to those of England.
Undoubtedly this assists very much the
administration of justice, rendering it com-
paratively easy for the judges of the Hong-
kong Court to arrive at a correct conclusion
in most cases in which points of law are
involved, guided as they are by the decisions
of the High Court in England on similar
subjects. Unfortunately, however, in some
branches the law of the Colony differs from
the law in England, although it has been
intended to assimilate it. The law in the
Colony with regard to trade-marks is a case
in point. An Ordinance was passed in 1898
which had been prepared on the lines of the
Trade-marks Acts in England ; and it was
believed by many, and was probably intended,
that such Ordinance conferred the same
rights upon registered proprietors of trade-
marks as had been conferred on those pro-
prietors in England by the Home Acts.
Nevertheless, it has been held by the Hong-
kong Court that a registration of a trade-mark
does not confer any actual rights, but merely
gives to the person registering the mark
easy means of proof of such rights as he
may possess at common law, by making
registration prima facie evidence of such
rights. The law, however, with respect to
trade-marks will, it is understood, shortly be
amended by the introduction of an Ordinance
framed upon the existing Trade-marks Act in
England, and by expressly conferring upon
the registered proprietors of trade-marks in
the Colony such rights as are possessed by
registered proprietors in England.
MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE AND LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, HONSKONO.
I. HOX. COMMAXDKR BASIL K. H. TAYI.riK, K.N.
4, Hox. IJR. J, M. AfKixs<ix.»
7. Hox. Mr. a. M. TH<)M.s<)X.»
3. Hox, Mk. a. W. Brkwix.
His Excellency Maj()K-Gkxkr4i. HR(>aiivv<k)I), CM."
. 2. Hox Mr. H. K. Pollock. K.C.
Hox. Mu. Wii.i.iAM Chatham, C.M.G."
o. Hox. Mu. Kkes-Daviks."
8. His Excellency Sir Frederick Lucard, K.C.M.G., C.H., U.S.O.
10. Hox. Mb. H. Keswick.
II. Hox. Mr. E. a. Hewett.*
15. Hox. MR. WEI YUK. CMC.
14. Hox. Dr. Ho Kai, M.B., C.M.G.
3. Hox. Sir Paiil Chater, Kt., C.M.G «■
• Membere of the Executive Council.
Hox. Mr. F. H. Mav.» ifi. Hox. Mii. Edward Osborxe.
All except Hon. Sir Paul Chater are members of the Legislative Council.
TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. lOo
EXECUTIVE AND LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS
BIOGRAPHIES OF MEMBERS.
HIS EXCELLENCY THE QOVERNOR.—His
Excellencv the Governor of Honjjkoiiji, Colonel
Sir Frederick Dealtry Lugarcl, K.C.M.G., C.H.,
D.S.O., has spent thirty eventful years in the
service of his country, and his career as a
soldier and administrator has been one un-
broken series of successes.
The son of the Rev. K. G. Lugard, and
nephew of the Right Hon. Sir Edward
Lugard, P.C, G.C.H., he was born on January
22, 1858. From Rossall he proceeded to
Sandhurst, and in May, 1878, obtained his
first commission as a second-lieutenant in
the gth Foot, or Norfolk Regiment. He
received his baptism of tire in the " affair at
Saidabad" during the Afghan War of 1879-80,
and for this campaign received his first
medal. On January i, 1881, he was promoted
lieutenant, and in August, 1885, was given his
company. In the same year he was employed
with the Indian contingent in the Soudan
Campaign. He was present at " Tofrek,"
better known as " McNeill's Zareeba," and
was •' mentioned in despatches." For his
services he was awarded the medal with
two clasps and the Khedive's star.
He was again on active service in Burmah
in the following year, where he acquitted
liimself with such distinction that he was
thiice mentioned in despatches, and, in
.iddition to receiving another medal with
two clasps, was awarded the Distinguished
Service Order, then newly instituted. From
Burmah he returned to England, shattered
in health, and obtained temporary half-pay
leave on medical certiiicate. Receiving per-
mission to travel, he visited the advance
camp of the Italians at Saati and offered his
services lo them in their campaign against
the Abyssinians. Negotiations were, how-
ever, being conducted by a mission under
Mr. (afterwards Sir Gerald) Portal, and, since
there was no prospect of active service,
Captain Lugard left for Zanzibar. Thence
he proceeded to Lake Nyasa, where he
heard that the small British trading station
of Karonga, at the north end of the lake,
was invested by slave-raiders, who had devas-
tated the whole surrounding district. A relief
expedition was being formed, and he was
unanimously requested by the British resi-
dents and by Her Majesty's Consul to take
command of it (May, l888). It was during
this expedition that he received his most
serious wound — a gunshot wound in both
arms and chest — of which he gives an
account in his book, " Our East African
Empire." The trading company (African
Lakes) who had organised the defence of
Karonga, were now in straitened circum-
stances, and declared their inability to con-
tinue the struggle unless they received
pecuniary assistance. Difficulties had also
arisen with regard to the import of the
necessary munitions through Portuguese terri-
tory. In these circumstances. Captain Lugard
returned to England to make known the
critical situation, for he was convinced that
the slave-traders had no less a scheme in
view than to join hands across the lake
and to oust the British, and establish their
supremacy in Mid-Africa. Mr. Cecil Rhodes
was anxious to adopt the scheme drawn up
by Captain Lugard for patrolling the lake
by steamers, and was desirous that Captain
Lugard should himself return and take charge
of it, which he was quite willing and eager
to do, but meantime Her Majesty's Govern-
ment had intervened, with the final result
that Nyasaland was declared a British Pro-
tectorate and added to the Empire.
Towards the close of the year (1889),
therefore. Captain Lugard was free to accept
service with the newly-formed British East
African Company, and, after some months of
exploration and survey work on their behalf,
he accepted the difficult mission of trying to
forestall the Germans, and of concluding a
treaty with Uganda. It was not without great
difficulty and some danger that this treaty
was obtained, for the country was divided
with factions who called themselves British,
French, and Mahomedan, and all were
armed with rifles. With the aid of the two
Christian factions. Captain Lugard defeated
the Mahomedans, whom he repatriated
later in Uganda on friendly terms. He then
proceeded through the unexplored and hostile
country of Unyoro, wliose army he defeated,
and reached the distant Albert Lake by way
of Ruwenzori (the Mountains of the Moon).
His object was lo engage in his service the
troops of Emin Pasha, who had left the
Equatorial Province after many battles with
the Madhi and were now on their own
account devastating the region in which they
had settled. With much difficulty he suc-
ceeded in this task, and brought them with
him to the number of over eight thousand
(men, women, and children). Most of these
he established in South Unyoro for the pro-
tection of the district of Toro, whose king
he had reinstated ; and, proceeding with
comparatively few fighting men, he reached
Uganda early in 1892. In his absence the
hostility between the French (or Roman
Catholic) party and the British (or Protestant)
had reached a climax, and very soon after-
wards broke out in open war. The
" French " included Captain Lugard with the
British and he had, therefore, unwillingly
to fight. The French party were defeated,
and thereupon he made a re-settlement of
the country, repatriating both the F'rench
and the Mahomedans. As before at Nyasa,
so now again in Uganda, at the critical
moment the Company in whose behalf he
was acting declared themselves unable to
bear any further expense, and ordered
Captain Lugard to evacuate Uganda. This
he declined to do, but, leaving the country
in peace under his second officer. Captain
Williams, he returned to England to prosecute
a more difficult campaign for the " Retention
of Uganda." Though little used to public
speaking, he found himself compelled to
address audiences throughout England and
Scotland, and though the Cabinet had decided
to abandon the country, the feeling became
so strong that the decision was reversed, and
Uganda was included in the Empire.
Later, Mwanga, the king of Uganda, who
had originally been very hostile, wrote to
Queen Victoria ; " I want you to send this
same Captain Lugard back again to Uganda
that he may finish his work of arranging
the country, for he is a man of very great
ability, and all the Waganda (natives) like
him very much ; he is gentle, his judgments
are just and true, and so I want you to send
him back to Uganda."
However, the country was now under the
British Government, and the Foreign Office,
for political reasons, considered it better that
Captain Lugard should not return. In 1894,
the Royal Niger Company, who had con-
cluded treaties with the kings of Borgu and
Gurma, learned that the F'rench were about
to make overtures to the king of Nikki whom
they regarded as the rightful king of Borgu.
The Company decided to protect themselves
doubly by securing a treaty before France
could do so. France, however, got the start.
Captain Decoeur, leaving for Dahomey on
July 24, 1894. Four days later Captain
Lugard left England, determined to reach
the king of Nikki first. On November 10th,
he saw the king of Nikki, and had the treaty
signed five days before Captain Decoeur
arrived. It was a signal victory, and assured
the position of the Royal Niger Company.
Just alter this Captain Lugard received his
C.B. In April, 1895, he returned to England
having been wounded by an arrow.
In 1896 he led an expedition across the
Kalahari Desert for the British West Charter
Land Company, who had engaged his assist-
ance because of the difficulties — considered
by many to be insuperable — of crossing the
desert without oxen, the oxen having died
of rinderpest. He concluded a treaty with
Sekomi, the chief, and established the Com-
pany's agents there. He was recalled thence
by a letter from Mr. Chamberlain.
There was a " crisis " in West Africa
between ourselves and the French, which
seemed likely at any moment to develop
into war. Major Lugard accepted the post
of Commissioner and Commandant in the
Hinterland of Lagos, and took command of
the troops there. He proceeded to raise the
West African Frontier Force (eventually
some three thousand strong), and upon the
organisation of this force the whole of the
troops of the various colonies in West .Africa
have since been modelled. The crisis with
France was fortunately brought to an end by
the Convention of June 14, 1898, but not
before the hostile forces on the spot had
been on the very verge of hostilities.
He now became a Lieut. -Colonel on half-
pay, and received the medal and clasp
awarded for these operations. He returned
to England to assist the Colonial Office in
the negotiations with the Royal Niger Com-
pany, which resulted in the transfer of
Nigeria to the imperial administration on
January i, 1900. Then he returned as first
High Commissioner (with the rank of
Brigadier-General), with the task of creating
an administration.
When the vast area known as Northern
Nigeria (about 300,000 square miles), was
taken over by the Imperial Government
from the Royal Niger Company, it was for
the most part wholly independent of British
106 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
control. The dominating race were Mah<iine-
dans (Fulani). wlio raided the pagan tribes
for slaves, and had depopulated vast areas.
During the first year, 1900, the troops of
the protectorate (the West African Frontier
Force) were lent to Sir J. Willcocks for
the Ashanti War. In 1901 two of the
principal and most aggressive Emirs and
slave-raiders were subdued, and their pro-
vinces organised under residents. In 1902
the kingdom of Bornu was annexed, and
several Fulani Emirs were conquered who
would not consent to desist from sending
their armies to raid for slaves. Early in
1903 the kingdoms of Sokoto and Kano
were organised under British administration.
Thus, the whole of Nigeria became amen-
able to British rule, and slave-raiding was
entirely stopped. Before General Lugard
left Nigeria in June. 1906, he was able to
report that the country was entirely peaceful,
and that even slave-dealing was almost
extinct. The administration had meanwhile
been organised.
Sir Frederick Lugard arrived in Hongkong
and assumed the office of Governor in suc-
cession to Major Sir Matthew Nathan,
K.C.M.G., in July, 1907.
In 1902 Sir Frederick married Miss Flora
Shaw, daughter of the late General Shaw,
C.B., and formerly head of the colonial
department of The Times, for which news-
paper she undertook special commissions to
South Africa. Australia, Canada, and Klon-
dyke. Lady Lugard has published several
works, including "Castle Blair" (1878),
" Hector,' a tale for young people (1883),
and "A Tropical Dependency" (1905).
Sir Frederick and Lady Lugard's English
residence is '• Little Parkhurst," Abinger
Common. Surrey. His Excellency's clubs
are the Athena;um (special election), St.
James's and Royal Societies', and he is a
gold medallist of the Royal Geographical
Society, a silver medallist of the Scottish
Royal Geographical Society, and was elected
a life fellow of the Royal Colonial Institute.
Captain of right half No. 2 Company Volun-
teer Artillerv, the section wliicli in 1907 won
both the maxim and tifteen-pounder competi-
tions, and the cup for the highest etticiency.
Captain Armstrong was Hon. Aide-de-Camp
to His Excellency Sir Matthew Nathan and
to the Hon. Mr. F. H. May when the latter
was administering the Government.
j#
CAPT. PERCY HENRY MITCHELL TAYLOR,
32nd I-iiicers, l..\., Aide-de-Camp to His
Excellency the Governor, was the only son of
the late Lieut. -Colonel A. M. Taylor, com-
manding the 19th Hussars. Educated at
Wellington and Sandhurst, where he dis-
tinguished himself in gymnastics and fencing,
he received his first commission on August 5,
1896, and for a year was attached to the Dublin
Fusiliers. He then joined his present regi-
ment, receiving his captaincy in August. 1905.
He went to South Africa in 1900-1, and was
present at several engagements, including
Paardeburg, the relief of Kimberley, Drie-
fontein, and Wittebergen, being awarded the
Queen's medal with six clasps. His present
appointment as Aide-de-Camp to the Governor
dates from June, 1907.
I#
CAPTAIN WILLIAM ARMSTRONG, Hon.
Aide-dt-Camp to His Excellency the Governor,
is Senior Captain of the Hongkong Volunteer
Corps, to which he has belonged since 1803.
When in that year the Corps was disbancfed
and reformed, he served in the ranks as a
gunner. He received his commission in May,
1899, and was appointed Captain on October
•5. '903- He was one of the officers who
accompanied the Coronation contingent from
Hongkong. At the present time he is
CAPTAIN W. ARMSTRONG, HON. A.D.C.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR
AND SENIOR CAPTAIN HONGKONG
VOLUNTEER CORPS.
MR. ARTHUR JOCELYN BRACKENBURY,
Private Secretary to His Excellency Sir K.
Lugard, Governor of Hongkong, is a nephew
of Lady Lugard. He was educated at Clifton
College, where he obtained his cricket and
running colours. When the war broke out
in South Africa he served his country for
eighteen months, receiving the Queen's medal
and three clasps. In 1901 lie joined the
Transvaal Civil Service, and in the following
year was appointed Secretary to the Inspector
of Mines, Pretoria district. He acted in a
similar ofiice in the Krugersdorp district from
1906 until March, 1907, when he left the
Transva:il Civil Service. He received his
present appointment on June 20, 1907.
I#
HIS EXCELLENCY MAJ.-aENERAL ROBERT
QEOROE BROADWOOD, C.B., came to the
Colony in 1906 to take command of His
Majesty's P'orces in South China and Hong-
kong. Prior to that date he had held com-
mand of the troops in Natal (1903-4), and,
as Brigadier-General of the troops in the
Orange River Colony district (1904-6). A
son of the late Mr. Thomas Broadwood, of
Holmbush Park, Surrey, he was born on
March 14, 1862, and commenced his military
career in the 12th Lancers in 1881. He has
seen much active service. In 1896 he took
part in the expedition to Doiigola, being
present at the operations of June 7tli and
September loth. He was mentioned in des-
patches, received the Egyptian medal with
two clasps, and the British medal, and was
given the brevet rank of Lieut. -Colonel. In the
lollowing year he took part in the Nile Ex-
pedition, and was present at the action of
Abu Hamed and the subsequent occupation
of Berber, gaining two further clasps to the
Egyptian medal, and the 4th class Osnianieli.
He was present at the cavalry reconnaissance
of April 4, i8qS, and at the battles of Albara
and Khartoum. Twice he was mentioned in
despatches, and in recognition of his services
the brevet rank of Colonel was bestowed
upon him, whilst he received two additional
clasps to the Egyptian medal and was awar-
ded the British medal. During the South
African War, 1899 1902, when he raised
" Roberts' Horse " and afterwards commanded
the 2nd Cavalry Brigade he was live times
mentioned in despatches, including two special
mentions by Lord Roberts. He was made
Aide-de-Camp to His Majesty the King, and
was awarded the Queen's medal with six
clasps and the King's medal with two clasps,
while the order of C.B. also was conferred
upon him. His addresses are the Military
Headquarters, Hongkong ; and 94. Piccadilly,
London, W.
THE HON. MR. FRANCIS HENRY MAY,
C.M.Q,, the Colonial Secretary, completed
twenty-six years' service under the Govern-
ment of the Colony in November, 1907, and a
quarter of a century's service in the Colony
and China in t'ebruarv, 1908. The fourth
son of the late Right Honble. G. A. C May,
Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, and of Olivia,
daughter of Sir Mathew Barrington, Bart.,
of Glenstal, Co. Limerick, he was born on
March 14, i860, at Dublin After being at
Harrow he proceeded to Trinily College,
Dublin, where he look the B.A. degree, and
was first honoursman and prizeman in
Classics and Modern Languages in i88r. In
the same year, he was appointed, after a
competitive examination to a cadetship in
Hongkong, but before coming out to the East
served in the Colonial Office for twelve
months. He studied the dialect at Canton for
six months, and has since written a ''Guide
to Cantonese." From the end of 1883 until
the beginning of 1886 he was in Peking
learning the Mandarin dialect, and at the end
of that period passed the higher examination
for interpreters in the Consular service.
Upon returning to Hongkong, Mr. May was
employed as Assistant Registrar-General and
as interpreter for the Governor at interviews
with, and receptions of, high Chinese officials.
His subsequent appointments included those
of Assistant Colonial Secrelary, private secre-
tary to His Excellency Sir W. des Voeux, to
Sir K. Fleming, and to Major-General Barker ;
Acting Colonial Treasurer ; Vice-President of
the Sanitary Bo^ird ; Captain Superintendent
of the Police and Fire Brigade ; and Superin-
tendent of Victoria Gaol. In 1895 ''^ was
awarded the Companionship of the Most
Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St.
George in recognition of special services
rendered during the plague of 1894, and in
suppressing a strike in 1895 which, while it
lasted, paralysed business connected with
shipping. In 1897 he succeeded in bringing
to light widespread corruption in the police
force under his command, and for two years
he was engaged in purging the force of
dishonest members and in reorganising the
Criminal Investigation Department, which he
kept under his personal control. In 1899
Mr. May organised Ihe police administration
of the New Territories, and for two years
subsequently was actively employed in .sup-
pressing the lawlessness which was very rife
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 107
in the newly-acquired area. As Superinten-
dent of Victoria Gaol — a post wliicli lie held
in conjunction with that of Captain Superin-
tendent of the Police and Fire Brifjade —
Mr. May placed the whole of I he prison on
the separate system, and, while increasing
thereby the deterrent effect of imprisonment,
he greatly developed the means of affording
industrial employment to the prisoners, by
whom much of the printing work required
in the various Government departments is
now carried out. It was in 1902 that Mr. May
received his present appointment, but his
acquaintance with the Colonial Secretary's
office extends as far back as January, 1887,
when he was Acting-Assistant Colonial Secre-
tary, a position in which he was confirmed
four years later. Mr. May has been a member
of the Legislative Council since 1895, and, by
virtue of his office, he has now a seat also on
the Executive Council. Upon three occasions
Mr. May has administered the Government
of the Colony — for eight months in 1903-4
between the departure of Sir Henry Arthur
Blake, and the arrival of Sir Matthew Nathan ;
for five weeks at the close of 1906 and the
beginning of 1907 during the absence on
sick-leave of Sir Malthew Nathan after an
accident at polo ; and for three months in
1907 between the departure of Sir Matthew
Nathan and the arrival of the present
Governor, Sir F. D. Lugard. As might
naturally be expected in view of his official
position and long residence in the Colony, Mr.
May is connected in one capacity or another
with a number of local institutions. He is
Rector of the Hongkong College of Medicine ;
Chairman of the Governing Body of Queen's
College ; Chairman of the Board of
Examiners ; President of the Y.M C.A. ; a
member of the Colonial Church Council ; a
steward of the Jockey Club ; Commodore of
the Koyai Hongkong Yacht Club ; and a
member of the Committee of the Volunteer
Reserve Association and of the Hongkong
Gymkhana Club. An all-round sportsman,
his favourite recreations are hunting, shooting,
fishing, and yachting. He is the author of
several publications, including manuals for
use in the police force and a history of
yachting in Hongkong. Mrs. May is a
daughter of General Sir George Digby
Barker, K.C.B., of " The Priory," Clare,
Suffolk.
THE HON. MR. WILLIAM REES-DAVIES,
J. P., D.L., who was appointed Attorney-
General for the Colony in 1907, was born on
May II, 1863, and is the eldest son of the
late Sir William Davies, of Scoreston, Pem-
brokeshire, who represented his county in
Parliament from 1880 to 1892. After being
at Eton, Mr. Rees-Davies proceeded to Trinity
Hall, Cambridge, where he graduated B.A.
in 1885. Two years later he was called to
the Bar at the Inner Temple, and joined
the South Wales Circuit. In 1892 he suc-
ceeded his father in the representation of
Pembrokeshire, in the Liberal interest for
six years. During this time he was private
secretary to the late Sir William Harcourt,
who was Chancellor of the Exchequer from
1893 to 1895. Mr. Rees-Davies is a Magistrate
and Deputy Lieutenant for Pembrokeshire.
He was Attorney-General in the Bahama
Islands from 1898 to 1902, acting during a
portion of that time as Chief Justice, and
was King's Advocate at Cyprus from 1902
to 1907. His position now, at Hongkong,
entitles him to a seat upon the Legislative
Council. He is also on the Executive Council
and the Standing Law Committee. He is
a member of the Reform Club, London, and
of the Hongkong and various local sporting
clubs. His chief recreations are riding and
shooting. Mr. Rees-Davies married, in 1898,
Florence Beatrice, the second daughter of
Mr. John Birkett, of Kendal, Westmoreland.
THE HON. MR. ALEXANDER MACDONALD
THOMSON, the Colonial Treasurer of Hong-
kong, Is, ex officio, a member of the Executive
and Legislative Councils with a seat on the
Finance and Public Works Committees. The
second son of Mr. J. W. Thomson, M.A..
schoolmaster and Isabella, the eldest daughter
of the late Mr. Alexander Macdonald, of
Kindrought, Portsoy, N.B., he was born on
September 27, i86j, at Turriff, Scotland.
He had a successful career at Aberdeen
University, taking his M.A. degree, with first-
class honours in mathematics, in 1883. For
the following two years he was lecturer in
mathematics at NainI Tal College, North-
West Provinces, India, but in 1887 returned
to Scotland, and, later, took up the appoint-
ment of Assistant-Professor of Mathematics
at Aberdeen. In the same year he entered
the Hongkong Civil Service by the usual
competitive examination. After spending
twelve months in the Colonial Office, during
which time he won the Bacon Scholarship
at Gray's Inn, he came out to the Colony,
arriving In October, 1888. Having attained
the necessary proficiency in the Chinese lan-
guage, he was appointed, In October, 1890,
to fill the temporary vacancy of Chief Clerk
in the Colonial Secretary's office. Since then
he has occupied numerous administrative
positions, including those of' Clerk of Councils,
Superintendent 01 Victoria Gaol, Assistant
Colonial Secretary, Registrar-General, Post-
master-General, and Colonial Secretary ; and
in July, 1898, was appointed permanently to
his present post. During his residence in
the Colony he has served on the Tung Wall
Hospital Commission, the Registry of the
Supreme Court Commission ; and has pre-
sided over the deliberations of two Committees
which have been appointed with regard to
the subsidiary coinage question. He was an
original member, and for some time honorary
secretary of the governing body of Queen's
College ; was a trustee of tlie Belillos Scholar-
ships ; and has been vice-president, and has
acted as president, of the Sanitary Board.
For his services in compiling the first edition
of the General Orders he received the thanks
of the Secretary of State for the Colonies.
Mr. Thomson is a member of the Hongkong
Club, but does not now belong to any other
club, having ceased for some years to take
any active interest in sport, his chief recrea-
tion being reading.
THE HON. MR. WILLIAM CHATHAM,
C.M.Q., M.I.C.E., Director of Public Works,
a member of the Executive and Legislative
Councils, and vice-president of the Sanitary
Board, has been associated with the develop-
ment and progress of the Colony for seventeen
years. He was born in July, 1859, and was
educated at the Royal High School, Edin-
burgh, and at Edinburgh University. He
went first as assistant to Messrs. Thos. Meik
& Sons, the well-known firm of civil
engineers, Edinburgh, and afterwards to the
engineer of the Bristol Docks. He came to
Hongkong as Executive Engineer in 1890,
and in 1893 received the acting appointment
of Director of Public Works. On his return
from leave in 1897, he received the additional
appointments of Water Authority and mem-
ber of the Legislative Council. In 1901 he
acted also as president of the Sanitary Board,
and in October of the same year was con-
firmed In the appointments which he now
holds. Mr. Chatham was a member of the
Queen's Jubilee Committee, acting as honor-
ary secretary for some years, and taking a
leading part in carrying out, at a cost of
^20,000, the construction of the Jubilee Road
and the Hospital for Women and Children.
During 1907 he was created a Companion
of the Order of St. Michael and St. George
in recognition of his long service in the
Colony. Mr. Chatham, who lives at the Peak,
is a member of the Hongkong Club.
/#
THE HON. DR. JOHN MITFORD ATKINSON,
the principal Civil Medical Ollicer of Hong-
kong, was born in 1856, and is the son of
the late Rev. S. Atkinson, M.A. He was
educated at Woodhouse Grove School and
at Queen's College, Taunton. His medical
training was sound and comprehensive. He
was prizeman at the London Hospital
Medical College, and holds the degree of
M.B. London, and the diplomas of M.R.C.S.
Eng., L.S.A. Loud., and D.P.H. Cantab. For
nearly eight years he was the Resident
Medical Officer of St. Mary Abbott's Infirmary,
Kensington, and for two years the Medical
Officer of one of the districts in that locality,
before coming, in 1887, to take up the
appointment of Superintendent of the Govern-
ment Civil Hospital, and Medical Officer to
the Small Pox Hospital and the Government
Lunatic Asylums, Hongkong. Seven years
later he was acting as Colonial Surgeon, and
in 1897 he obtained his present post. During
the plague epidemic of the following year
his services in preventing the spread of
infection, and stamping out the disease, were
acknowledged in a letter of thanks from the
Secretary of State. Dr. Atkinson, who has
been president of the Sanitary Board since
1897, and a member of the Executive Council
since 1903, has from time to time contributed
articles to the Lancet and other British
medical journals. He is a Fellow of the
Royal Colonial Institute and of the Society
of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene ; and is
an honorary life member of the St. John
Ambulance Association. He resides at Vic-
toria Hospital, Barker Road, the Peak.
SIR C. PAUL CHATER, Kt., C.M.Q.— Prob-
ably no other man has done so much for
the commercial advancement of the Colony
as Sir Catchick Paul Chaler, Kt., C.M.G.
To him Hongkong owes many of its most
prosperous public companies, some twenty of
which still include him on their directorate.
The son of Mr. Chater Paul Chater, of Cal-
cutta, Sir Paul was born in 1846, and
arrived in Hongkong in 1864 as an assistant
In the bank of Hindustan, China, and Japan.
He resigned this position, in 1866, to start
business as an exchange and bullion broker.
In 1886 he was chosen by his fellow Justices
of the Peace to fill a vacancy on the Legis-
lative Council caused by the absence on
leave of Mr. F. D. Sassoon, and when, in
1887, Mr. Sassoon resigned his seat. Sir Paul,
who was then taking a holiday in India, was
unanimously elected in his stead for a term
of six years. He was re-elected for a further
period of six years in 1893, and again in
1899, retiring upon the expiration of his
108 TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
third tenn of office in January, 1906. While
Sir Paul was a member of the Legislative
Council a petition from the leading residents
was sent to the SecrcLiry of State in favour
of the formation of a Municipal Council.
The Secretary of Slate, however, would not
entertain this idea, but suggested as a sort
of compromise that two unollicial members
should be placed upim the Executive Council.
This suggestion was acted upon, and Sir
Paul Chater and Mr. J. Bell Irving were
appointed. Sir Paul still retains this appoint-
ment, though he has relinquished the duties
of the Legislative Council.
In 18H4 Sir Paul started a wharf and
godown business at Kowloon, purchasing the
necessary site on the sea shore from the
Government. He established the existing
Hongkong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown
Company, and, to provide facilities for carry-
ing on tlie business, reclaimed some of the
foreshore and erected the present godowns
and wh.Trves. P'our years later the business
was amalgamated with that carried on at
Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co.'s wharf.
He originated the Praya Reclamation, in
1887, by writing to the Government and
submitting a scheme which was accepted by
marine lot-holders. Later, he visited England
and received the Secretary of State's sanction
to carry out the work. The foundation
stone was laid, at the corner of the cricket
ground, by the Duke of Connaught, in 1.90,
Sir Paul Chater presenting a statue of His
Koyal Highness to the Colony in commemo-
ration of the event. The work was concluded
in 1905, and the result has been an addition
to the Colony of considerable foreshore upon
which have been erected some of the finest
hongs in the East. In 1892 he rendered a
signal service to the French Government in
Tonkin by opening up coal mines in that
country. He formed the Societe Kranyais
Chart)onnages de Tonkin, and in recognition
of his services he received that much-coveted
decoration, the I.egion of Honour. Sir Paul
was the first to advocate the acquirement
of the new territory on the mainland of
China. He wrote to the Government upon
the subject four years before the actual lease
was executed. He again urged the matter
upon the authorities at the lime of the
Chino-Japanese War, and secured the support
of the Chamber of Commerce, the China
Association, and the unofficial members of
the Legislative Council. Indeed, he has
been identified with most public movements
since his arrival in the Colony. He was
treasurer, and afterwards chairman, of the
Queen's Jubilee Committee, and In 1897 was
chairman of the Diamond Jubilee Committee.
At this period, in recognition of his numerous
public services, he was created a C.M.G.
A man of great wealth, his purse has ever
been at the disposal of any good cause. To
take but one example of his generosity, the
first Anglican Church at Kowloon, St.
Andrew's, was erected and presented by him
to the Colony. In 1902 he received the
honour of knighthood. His life has been
one ceaseless round of activity, and his
energies seem only to increase with ad-
vancing years. A short time since he com-
menced operations in a new sphere — mining.
After spending a great deal of money pros-
pecting in the new territory for minerals he
was rewarded by a rich discovery of iron.
The Hongkong Mining Company was formed
to work this deposit, which promises to be
an immense source of wealth to the Colony.
Sir Paul is interested in all kinds of sport.
He has been a steward of the Jockey Club
for a quarter of a century and has been
its president for many years. He is a mem-
ber of the Hongkong Club, and is the
owner of one of the finest private residences
in the Colony, Marble Hall, Conduit Koad,
where he has galhered together a collection
of curios and works of art that is
un.ipproached bv any other collection in the
Far East.
THE HON. MR. EDBERT ANSOAR HEWETT
is one of those men who, coining from old
county families and choosing business careers,
have settled In some far country, and, by
their innate ability, their enterprise, and their
steadfast perseverance in face of all obstacles,
and rigid adherence to the highest principles
of commercial integrity, have done much to
earn England's reputation as a colonising
power. Mr. Hewett, who was born on
September 5, i860, is the second son of the
late Sir George J. K. Hewett, Bart., of The
Old Hall, Nealhcrseale, Leicestershire. Owing
to the state of his health, which was by no
means robust in his younger days, he was
educated mainly by private tutors. At the
age of seventeen he joined the Peninsular
and Oriental Service at their he.id ollice in
London, and two years later (in 1880) came to
Hongkong. He acted as agent for the com-
pany in Shanghai for seven years, was at
Yokohama for two years, and at Kobe for
six months. For the last six years he has
been at Hongkong, and has had the super-
intendence of the whole of the Company's
traffic in the Far East from Yokohama to
Penang. Two years ago Mr. Hewett went
home on a short trip to England. This was
his second holiday only during a period of
twenty-seven years, so unwilling has he been
to absent himself from his office and public
duties. It is but natural, therefore, that the
whole of his interests should now be centred
in the F"ar East. Public affairs he has
always followed with the greatest altenlion,
and in the public service has held numerous
positions. He was a member of the
Shanghai Municipal Council from 1897 to
1901, and occupied the chair for two years.
During the trying period of the Boxer Rising
enlire confidence wis reposed in him by
the community, and he achieved a high
reputation as an organiser and administrator.
Throughout the whole of that anxious period
he made aclive preparations for the defence
of the town. The fleet had sailed north,
and there was a population of some twelve
thousand whites and nearly half a million
Chinese under his cluirge. As Civil Com-
mandant of the volunteers he enrolled all
the able-bodied men, and had a force of
nearly twelve hundred whites under arms.
He organised the first comp,-iny of Japanese
volunteers that had ever been raised outside
of Japan, and the highest encomiums were
passed upon him subsequently by both the
naval and military authorities. For these
services and for the work he did for the
army and navy he received the English
medal for China, the fourth class Sacred
Treasure of J<ipan and the Iron Crown of
Austria, and was decorated as a Knight of
the Orange-Nassau of Holland. F'or several
years he served on the committee of the
Chamber of Commerce, Shanghai, and made
two special visits to Peking in 1901 as the
representative of the Chamber, In order to
urge upon the diplomatic body the necessity
for pushing forward the conservancy of the
Whangpoo River, a work of vital impor-
tance to the prosperity of the town. Mr.
Hewett took the greatest interest in this
scheme and urged its importance in season
and out of season during the whole period
of his residence in Shanghai. As the result
of his efforts a special committee was
formed, consisting of the English, German,
American, French, and Dutch Ministers.
They discussed the whole question, with
Mr. Hewett present ;is the Chamber's repre-
sentative, and adopted the proposals of the
Chamber of Commerce, which were em-
bodied in the Peace Protocol of 1901. The
scheme was not carried out owing to
Chinese opposition, but now the Chinese
themselves are doing the work entirely at
their own expense, under the supervision of
a very capable Dutch engineer. The im-
provements, when effected, will be In no
small measure due to Mr. Hewett's initiative,
and they are largely on the lines originally
suggested by him. Almost immediately after
his arrival in Hongkong Mr. Hewett was
elected vice-chairman of the Chamber of
Commerce (1902), and has been chairman
since 1903. On April 26, 1906, he was
chosen to represent the Chamber of Com-
merce on the Legislative Council, and im-
mediately afterwards the Governor appointed
him to one of the two seats held by nn-
oOicials on the Executive Council. In
addition to holding these important ol'tices
Mr. Hewett is a member of the Sanitary
Board, of the Governing Board of Queen's
College, and of the committee of the Diocesan
School. He was appointed a member of the
Medical Board in May, 1904, and was chosen
by the Governor to act as cliairman of the
commission to inquire into the administra-
tion of the sanitary and building regulations,
enacted by the Public Health and Building
Ordinance of 1893, which commission sat
from May, 1906, to March, 1907. Mr. Hewett
is a member of a luimber of clubs, including
the Hongkong ; the Peak ; the United, Yoko-
hama ; the Shanghai ; the Country, Shanghai ;
and the Wellington, London. He resides at
" Craig Ryrie," the Peak, Hongkong.
THE HON. MR. ARTHUR WINBOLT
BREWIN, the Registrar-General, has spent
practically the whole of his life in the service
of the Colony. Born at Settle, Yorkshire,
in 1867, he was educated at Winchester, and,
entering the Civil Service as the result of
the usual competitive examination, he came
to Hongkong in December, 1888. He went
through the ordinary routine as a cadet, and
studied Chinese for two years at Canton.
On passing the final examination he was
attached to the Registrar-General's oFlice.
In May, 1891, he was appointed to act as
Assistant Registrar-General, and, with the
exception of four years, during which he
held the post of Inspector of Schools, he
has been almost permanently connected with
this department. In 1901 he was appointed
Registrar-General, by virtue of which office
he became a member of the Sanitary Board,
and in the same year was given a seat on
the Legislative Council. Mr. Brewin is a
Justice of the Peace for the Colony, and a
member of the Board of Examiners.
THE HON. MR. FRANCIS JOSEPH BADELEY,
B.A., Captain Superintendent of Police In
Hongkong, was born on March 27, 1868, and
was educated at the Clergy Orphan School,
Canterbury, and at Jesus College, Cambridge,
passing senior optiine in the Mathematical
Tripos of 1889. He came to the Colony as
a cadet in 1890, and three years later, having
passed in Cantonese and Hindustani, he was
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 109
appointed Acting Deputy Superintendent of
Police. He lias since that time filled various
acting appointments, including those of Assis-
tant Registrar-General, Assistant Postmaster-
General, and Assistant Colonial Secretary and
Clerk of Councils, but for the most part his
duties have been in connection with the
police force. He was appointed Deputy
Superintendent of Police and Assistant
Superintendent of the Fire Brigade in 1S95,
and took up his present appointment as
Captain Superintendent of Police and of the
Fire Brigade, and Superintendent of Victoria
Gaol in igo2. He has made a special study
of the tinger-print system of identifying re-
cidivists. In October, i(;o6, he was appointed
to a seat on the Legislative Council, and is
a member of the Standing Law Committee.
Mr. Badeley, who is a member of the Hong-
kong Club, lives at " Ardsheal," the Peak.
THE HON. DR. HO KAI, C.M.Q.— Among
the Chinese there are many who have pro-
fited by a thoroughly sound and high-class
European education, but there are few who
have had a more distinguished academical
career, or who have used their advantages
to belter purpose than Dr. Ho Kai. Born at
Hongkong in 1859, he is the fourth son of
the late Kev. Ho Tsun Shin, of the London
Missionary Society. He was educated at the
Government Central School in Hongkong
and subsequently in England at Palmer
House School, Margate ; at Aberdeen Uni-
versity ; at St. Thomas's Medical and Surgical
College, and at Lincoln's Inn. He took the
degrees of M.B., CM., Aberdeen, became a
member of the Royal College of Surgeons,
England, and was Senior Equity Scholar,
Lincoln's Inn, in 1881. Upon returiiing to
the Colony he started to practise medicine,
but found that the Chinese were not yet
prepared to avail themselves of Western
treatment unless it was offered free. Dr. Ho
Kai therefore presented the Colony with the
Alice Memorial Hospital, named after his late
wife, Alice, eldest daughter of the late Mr.
John Walkden, of Blackheath. Dr. Ho Kai
then commenced practice as a barrister-at-
law, and has been so engaged since 1882.
He served as a member of the Sanitary Board
for over ten years, and on the Public Works
Committee for five years. He is now senior
unofficial member of the Legislative Council,
and has been for many years a member of the
following public institutions : — The Standing
Law Committee ; the Examination Board ;
the Medical Board ; the Po Leung Kuk Com-
mittee ; District Watchmen's Committee ; the
governing body of the Free Hospitals ; the
Tung Wah Hospital Advisory Committee ;
the governing body of Queen's College ; the
Qualified Architects' Advisory Board ; the
Interpretation Committee and the Advisory
Committee of the Hongkong Technical Insti-
tute ; and Rector's Assessor of the Hongkong
College of Medicine, of which he was one
of the founders. In short it may be said that
he has had the distinction of serving on the
committee of almost every public board
appointed during the last twenty-five years,
and that his time has always been given
ungrudgingly in the public service no matter
at what sacrifice to his own interests as a
professional man. For upwards of twenty-six
years he has been continuously resident in
the Colony ; for twenty-six years he has been
a Justice of the Peace for Hongkong, and for
three terms (eighteen years) has represented
the Chinese community on the Legislative
Council. Hence it is not a matter for surprise
that he is looked to by his fellow country-
men for advice in their dealings with the
Government, and is also often consulted by
the Government in their transactions with
the Chinese community. On the occasions
of both visits of the Duke and Duchess of
Connaught and of Prince Arthur to the
Colony, he received and welcomed their
Royal Highnesses on behalf of the Chinese,
and in recognition of his many public works
and services he was created a C.M.G. in
1892. Among his publications are: — "A
Critical Essay on China"; "The Sleep and
Awakening" ; a letter addressed to Lord
Charles Beresford on "The Open Door";
" An Open Letter to John Bull on the Boxer
Rising" ; articles on Sir Robert Hart's
Memorandum on the Land Tax of China and
his army and navy scheme, 1904 ; the
"Foundation of Reformation in China";
criticisms of the views of Kang Yau Wei,
1898 ; criticisms of the views of Viceroy
Chang Chi Tung, especially on his recent
work, " Encouragement to Learning," 1899 ;
Persons responsible for Reformation in
China ; and Two Critical Essays on the
Progress of Reformation in China. Dr. Ho
Kai's address is 7, West Terrace, Hongkong.
THE HON. MR. WEI YUK, C.M.G.— As a
conscientious worker on behalf of the
Chinese community of Hongkong, and as a
man who has done a great deal to produce
the present good relations existing between
the Government and the Chinese, the Hon.
Mr. Wei Yuk's name deserves to be specially
remembered by all sections of society in
the Colony. On many occasions he has been
of invaluable assistance to the officials, and
his counsel has been largely instrumental,
notably at times of riots and strikes during
the past quarter of a century, in settling
matters amicably before they assumed the
serious proportions which they threatened to
do in several instances. Mr. Wei Yuk is a
Cantonese (Heungshan District), born in Hong-
kong in 1849, and conies of excellent family.
His father, the late Mr. Wei Kwong, was a
well-known banker, and formerly compradore
to the Chartered Mercantile Bank of India,
London, and China, in Hongkong. After ten
years' study of Chinese, under private tutors,
Mr. Wei Yuk commenced his English educa-
tion at the Government Central School, under
the late Dr. F"rederick Stewart, LL.D., and in
1867, at the age of eighteen years, he pro-
ceeded to England and attended the Leicester
Stoneygate School lor twelve months. In
1868 he went to Scotland, and studied for
four years at the Dollar Institution. He soon
became a favourite with both masters and
fellow pupils, and the impression regarding
his nationality that he made and left behind
him became a tradition in the school, ensuring
to others from the Far East a most friendly
reception at that institution. Mr. Wei Yuk
was one of the first Chinese to go abroad
for Western education. On his return to
the East in 1872, after a European tour, he
entered the service of the Chartered Mercan-
tile Bank of India, London, and China (now
the Mercantile Bank of India, Limited), in
Hongkong, and on the death of his father,
in 1879, he (after a temporary retirement,
according to Chinese custom) took up the
vacant position of compradore. This position
he still holds. Mr. Wei Yuk and his father
have served the bank for fifty-three years in
Hongkong — that is to say, since it was first
opened. In 1883 Mr. Wei Yuk was appointed
a Justice of the Peace, and, in 1896, became
an unofficial member (representing the
Chinese community) of the Hongkong
Legislative Council. He works in the greatest
harmony with his colleague, the Hon. Dr.
Ho Kai, C.M.G., M.B., CM., M.R.C.S., and
while not noted for long speeches, is regarded
as an invaluable adviser in connection with
all legislation in any way touching the
interests of his fellow countrymen. In many
other capacities also he has striven for the
public good. He has held numerous
appointments, and has served on many
committees, for when his help has been
required for the furtherance of the public
weal it has never been withheld. It is
impossible to give a complete list of his
appointments in a brief biographical sketch
such as is here essayed, but a few of his
appointments may be mentioned. He was
chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital (Hong-
kong's leading Chinese charitable institution),
1881-83 "ind 1888-90 ; a permanent member
of the committee of the Po Leung Kuk for
the protection of destitute women and children
(of which he was one of the founders) since
1893 ; a permanent member of the Hongkong
District Watchmen's Committee (which was
formed on his suggestion) ; and a member
of the Standing Law Committee since 1896.
Moreover, he has served on all the com-
missions appointed by the Government to
inquire into matters affecting the Chinese
since the commencement of his public career.
The Chinese Government is indebted to him
in no small degree for the assistance he has
rendered in bringing to justice Chinese
criminals who have fled from Chinese
territory to Hongkong and elsewhere. For
the services which he rendered during the
plague epidemic of 1894, the general public
of Hongkong presented him with a gold
medal and a letter of thanks, while the
Chinese community also addressed to him
a letter of thanks. Mr. Wei Yuk may be
regarded as the father of the Sanitary Board.
VoT many years, previous to the formation of
the present body, he took the greatest interest
in sanitary matters, and he was the friend and
adviser of Professor Chadwick when that
well-known authority visited the Colony to
report on the sanitary condition of the city
of Victoria. Seventeen years ago he sug-
gested the construction of a railway from
Kowloon to Canton, and thence to Peking.
He spent large sums in furtherance of the
scheme, which failed, however, owing to the
obstacles placed in its way by Chinese
oflicials, who at that time strenuously opposed
the introduction of anything from the West.
During the past six or seven years, however,
several lines of railway have been constructed,
or are in course of construction, between the
places named, and they follow closely
Mr. Wei Yuk's original plans. In 1872
Mr. Wei Yuk married the eldest daughter
of the late Hon. Mr. Wong Shing, the second
Chinese to be appointed to the Hongkong
Legislative Council. Mr. Wei On, M.A.,
solicitor, and Mr. Wei Piu, barrister-at-law,
both distinguished Cheltonians, are the Hon.
Mr. Wei Yuk's brothers. Mr. Wei Yuk's
name figured in the last list of Birthday
Honours as a recipient of a Companionship
of the Order of St. Michael and St. George.
id
THE HON. MR. HENRY EDWARD POLLOCK,
K.C., an unofficial member of the Legislative
Council, has been connected with the Colony
for nearly twenty years, and, during that time,
has become intimately associated with all the
more prominent phases of its life. Born in
December, 1864, and educated at Charter-
house, he was called to the Bar by the Inner
Temple in November, 1887. He was admitted
no TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HON(rKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
to practise in Hongkong in April of the
following year, and from September, 1888,
until August, iSSq, he acted as Police Magis-
trate. In June, 1892, he was appointed Acting
Puisne Judge, and continued as such until
December, 1892. During the plague epidemic
of 1894 he rendered signal service to the
authorities, and in recognition of this was
awarded a gold medal. For nearly three
years, at intervals tietween 181)6 and 1901, he
acted as .Attorney-General. In 1900 he was
appointed Queen's Counsel, and since the
death of Mr. J. J. Francis, K.C., in IQOI, he
has been the senior practising counsel in the
Colony. He went to Fiji as Attorney-General
in January, 1902. but left in the following
April and resigned the appointment two
months later, returning to Hongkong in
October of that year. In 1903 he temporarily
represented the Chamber of Commerce on
the legislative Council, and in 1905 he was
elected to represent the Justices of the Peace
on that body upon the retirement of Sir Paul
Chafer. C.M.G. He is one of the members
of the Standing Law Committee. Mr. Pollock
was elected a member of the Sanitary Board
in March, 1903. and held office until January,
1906. He is president of the Hongkong
Branch of the Navy League and of the Chess
Club, secretary of the Odd Volumes Society,
and a member on the committee of the
Royal Hongkong Yacht Club. Mr. Pollock,
who married in March, 1906, Lena Oakley.
lives at " Harrington, " the Peak.
MR. WILLIAM JARDINE QRESSON is a
son of the late Colonel Gresson, of the 27th
Inniskillings and 65lh Regiment. Upon the
completion of his education at Bedford
School he entered the London office of the
Chartered Bank. In 1892 he came to Hong-
kong to join the tirm of Jardine, Matheson
& Co.. Ltd.. of which his nncle, Sir Robert
Jardine, was the head. Since that date he
has represented the firm both at Hongkong
and Shanghai. To his duties as an un-
official member of the Legislative Council
are added those of a member of the Public
Works Committee. He is a thorough sports-
man, and, as a steward of the Hongkong
Jockey Club, takes an especially keen interest
in racing. Mr. Gresson was recently
married.
THE HON. MR. EDWARD OSBORNE, J.P.,
the Secretary of the Hongkong and Kowloon
Wharf and Godown Company, is one of the
men of whom the Colony has great reason
to be proud. During his twenty-six years'
residence in Hongkong he has made himself
master of many of the more difficult problems
which have confronted the prime movers in
commercial enterprise, and his opinion, based
upon shrewd observation, is widely sought.
Born in 1 861, and educated at St. Anne's,
Streatham Hill, Mr. Osborne entered the
service of a Durham firm of solicitors, and
then went into the Ix>ndon office of the
Peninsular and Oriental Company. In 1882
he came out to the Company's Hongkong
office, where he reni.iined seven years, until
the formation of the Hongkong and Kowloon
Wharf and Godown Company. Since i88g
he has been closely identified with the
Wharf Company's progress, and, as secretary,
he has encountered innumerable difficulties
arising out of the organised opposition of
the Chinese guilds to the competition of
the foreigner. It has been a long, uphill
fight on his part against tlie co-operated
exactions of the Chinese and in favour of
European interests. As a member of the
Sanitary Board, to which he was elected in
1900, Mr. Osborne devoted considerable time
and labour to fighting the plague, and, so far
as concerned the Wharf Company's employees,
found that the most effective measures were
the extermination of rats and the enforcement
of simple rules of health and cleanliness.
With a few other gentlemen he was instru-
mental in bringing about the erection of the
new Hongkong Club building; whilst, :it the
request of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank
and of the mortgagees of the Hongkong
Hotel property, he was, some twelve years
ago, largt-ly responsible for rescuing the
Hotel Company from imminent bankruptcy
and placing it upon a dividend-paying b.isis.
He also assisted in bringing about the forma-
tion of the Star Ferry Company, and placing
double-ended boats on the service between
Hongkong and the mainland. He is a director
of the Dairy Farm and of the Steam Laundry
Company, and has a seat on the Consulting
Committees of A. S. Watson & Co., Ltd., and
the China-Borneo Company. In May. 1906,
he succeeded the Hon. Mr. Gershom Stewart
on the Legislative Council, and is a member
of the Finance and Public Works Committees.
A lover of outdoor sports, with a leaning
especially towards rowing, riding, and shoot-
ing. Mr. Osborne is also extremely partial
to pedestrian exercise. He has seen in this
way a good deal of the mainland adjacent
to Hongkong, and was in Peking just after
the Boxer troubles. He has walked across
Korea, through parts of Japan, and recently
went on foot from Hankow to Canton by
way of Kweilin. In February, 1904, he
was married to Phyllis Eliza, a daughter of
Mr. G. Whittey, of Weybridge, by whom
he has three children. He lives at the Peak,
where he went to reside many years ago
in the hope — since completely justified — of
.securing immunity from malarial fever.
THE HON. COMMANDER BASIL REGINALD
HAMILTON TAYLOR, R.N., who is acting as
a member of the Legislative Coinicil during
the absence on leave of Mr. Badeley, the
Captain-Superintendent of Police, has been
connected with the Harbour Department of
the Colony since July, 1899. His father was
the late Colonel Thomas Edward Taylor,
Chief Conservative Whip for many years,
and for forty-two consecutive years Member
for County Dublin. He was Chancellor of
the Duchy of Lancaster in Lord Derby's last
Cabinet, and in Lord Beaconsfield's Cabinet
of 1874. Commander Taylor's grandfather
was the eldest son of the Rev. the Hon.
Heiny Edward Taylor, a son of the first
Earl of Bective, and brother of the first
Marquis of Headfort. Born on April 8, 1865,
and educated at a private school at Cheani,
in Surrey, Commander Taylor entered the
Royal Navy in 1878. He served in the
Egyptian VVar of 1882, and was present at
the bombardment of Alexandria In July of
that year, subsequently landing with the
Naval Brigade at Alexandria and Port Said
for police and guard duties. For his services
he was awarded the Egyptian medal,
Alexandria clasp, and bronze star. He was
commissioned a lieutenant in 1888, and
served on the Mediterranean, North American,
China, and Home Stations. He resigned his
commission in 1898, and in the following
year was appointed Assistant Harbour Master
of Hongkong. Since that time the total
tonnage of vessels entered and cleared has
doubled. Great improvements have been
made in lighting and much of the foreshore
has been reclaimed. Besides being Harbour
Master, Commander Taylor is Marine Magis-
trate, Emigration and Customs Officer,
Registrar of Shipping, Superintendent of
the Gunpowder Depot, Collector of Light
Dues, Superintendent of Imports and
Exports, and Board of Trade Agent for
Commercial Intelligence. He was confirmed
in these appointments on his return from
leave in February, 1907. For a while he
acted as Assistant Superintendent of the
Water Police, but, the arrangement by
which that force was placed under the
Harbour Department proving unsatisfactory,
It was discontinued. In 1903 Comuiander
Taylor was married to Harriet, a daughter
of Brigadier-General H. H. Osgood, of the
United Slates Army, and widow of the late
Major Paul Clendennis, of the United States
Army. He Is a member of the Carlton,
Bath, and Hongkong Clubs.
MR. HENRY KESWICK, who is acting as
a member of the Legislative Council during
the absence of Mr. Gresson from the Colony,
is the eldest son of Mr. William Keswick,
M.P., of Beech Grove, Dumfriesshire. He
was born in Shanghai In 1870, and was
educated at Eton and Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, taking his H.A. degree in 1892. Mr.
Keswick went to New York in 1893 for the
firm of Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Two
years later he came East and remained until
the outbreak of the Boer War in 1900. when
he went to South Africa and served as a
captain in the 3rd King's Own Scottish
Borderers. Iti the following year he returned
East to take charge of the firm's branch at
Yokohama, and in 1904 he entered upon a
similar position in Shanghai. He w,-is chair-
man of the Chamber of Commerce, and
chairman of the Municipal Council in
Shanghai during J906-7. Early in 1907 he
was given charge of the head office in Hong-
kong. He is a member of the committees
of the Chamber of Connncrce, the China
Association, and the Royal Hongkong Yacht
Club, and a steward of the Jockey Club.
IIVENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. HI
LEGAL AND JUDICIAL BIOGRAPHIES.
THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF HONGKONG, His
Honouf Sir Francis Taylor Pigyolt, has been
from his early years in the profession a
writer on International Law, and he is recog-
nised as an authority upon the rules which
govern the relationships and control the
intercourse of one country with another.
His career has furnished him with many
opportunities of perfecting his knowledge in
this particular direction, and his opinions,
based upon facts, many of which have come
within his personal experience, are embodied
in several sturdy volumes and held in high
repute by the members of his profession.
Born in London on April 25, 1852, he is the
son of the Rev. Francis Allen Piggott, of
Worthing. His early education was obtained
first at Worthing College, and then for some
time in Paris, and afterwards at Trinity Col-
lege, Cambridge. Always an enthusiastic
rifle-shot, he represented his University on
three occasions in the Inter-'Varsity shooting
contests at Wimbledon, and, one year, was a
member of the English eight in the competi-
tion for the ''Elcho" Shield. Still retaining
his interest in the sport Sir Francis is now
a member of the Hongkong Rifle Association.
Having graduated, and taken the degrees of
Master of Arts and Master of Laws, he was
in 1874 called to the Bar by the Inner
Temple. In 1887 he attended the Colonial
Conference, in connection wilh a scheme for
the enforcement of Colonial judgments in
England, which he had put forward, and in
the same year was employed by the Foreign
Office to draft a convention with Italy for
the mutual execution of judgments, the negoti-
ations in connection with this subject being
carried on in Rome. Afterwards he was
selected by Sir Julian Pauncefote. on the
application of the Japanese Government, as
legal adviser to the Prime Minister of Japan,
in connection with the drafting of the consti-
tution. He resided in Tokyo from 1888 to
1 891, and named his second son, who was
born in Japan, after his chief, Count (now
Prince) Ito. During his slay in the Island
Empire Sir Francis collected the data for his
books, " The Garden of Japan " and the
"Music and Musical Instruments of the
Japanese," published a few years later. In
1893 he assisted Sir Charles Russell, then
Attorney-General, in drafting the British
argument for the Behring Sea Arbitration,
and as secretary to Sir Charles attended the
sittings of the Tribune in Paris, and a series
of letters from his pen, on the subject of
the arbitration, appeared in The Times.
Appointed Procureur and Advocate-General
for Mauritius in 1894, he held that position
until 1905, acting for two years as chief
justice during 1895 96. In 1897 he revised
the laws of the Colony, and completed a
second and more comprehensive revision
before leaving the Colony. He also published,
in two volumes, a complete and revised
collection of the " Imperial Statutes applicable
to the Colonies." After coming to Hongkong
as Chief Justice, he received the honour of
knighthood in 1905. Besides those works
already mentioned. Sir Francis has published
a series of books on foreign judgments :
" Principles of Law of Torts," 1885 ; " Ex-
territoriality and Consular Jurisdiction," 1892 ;
" Service out of the Jurisdiction," 1892 ;
" Nationality and Naturalisation and the Eng-
lish Law on the High Seas and Beyond
the Realm," 1904. In Hongkong his chief
recreation has been golf ; he is a member
of the Golf Club, the Hongkong Club, and
the " Thatched House," London. Sir Francis
married Mabel Waldron, eldest daughter of
Jasper Wilson Johns, J. P., D.L., and has two
sons.
HIS HONOUR MR. ALFRED OASCOYNE
WISE, Puisne Judge of the Supreme Court,
Hongkong, was born at Colombo, Ceylon, on
-August 15, 1854, and was a son of the late
Mr. Alfred Wise, a well-known planter.
Educated at Repton and at Trinity College,
Cambridge, he was called to the Bar by
Lincoln's Inn in 1878, and at the age of
twenty-eight came to Hongkong, and on
January i, 1884 was appointed Police Magis-
trate. In 1892 he became Registrar, Official
Administrator, Official Trustee, Registrar of
Companies, and Registrar in the Colonial
Court of Admiralty, and three years later he
entered upon his present appointment. Twice
he has acted for the Attorney-General and
twice for the Chief Justice. In 1902 he was
elected chairman ol the Squatter's Board.
He is married to Augusta Frances, a daughter
of Mr. A. N. C. R. Nugent. He is a member
of the Conservative, Thatched House, and
Hongkong Clubs.
MR. ARATHOON SETH, I.S.O., the Regis-
trar of the Supreme Court, Hongkong, was
born in 1852. When only sixteen years of
age he was appointed Hindustani interpreter
to the Magistracy, Hongkong, having acquired
a knowledge of the language in Hongkong,
and, except for a comparatively short interval
when he was attached to the Peninsular
and Oriental Company, he has been in
the Civil Service ever since. He re-entered
the Magistracy as third clerk in September,
1872, and received steady promotion, be-
coming first clerk in 1875, and Clerk of
Councils and chief clerk in the Colonial
Secretary's office six years later. He was
created a Justice of the Peace in 1882,
and was called to the Bar by Lincoln's Inn
in 1893. After serving as Superintendent of
the Opium Revenue and of Imports and
Exports, was appointed Secretary to the
Board, under the ''Taipingshan Resumption
Ordinance," and subsequently received the
thanks of the Government for his services.
He has held a variety of other posts from
time to time, including those of Acting Assis-
tant Registrar-General, Official Receiver in
Bankruptcy, Acting Registrar of the Supreme
Court, Acting Land Officer, Acting Registrar
of Companies, Official Administrator, and
Official Trustee ; was appointed to his present
position in October, 1903. Mr. Seth is a
member of the Hongkong Club and lives at
Norman Cottage, Peak Road.
MR. HENRY HESSEY JOHNSTON GOM-
PERTZ, the first Police Magistrate and
Coroner of Hongkong, has spent nearly
twenty years in the Civil Service, his ap-
pointment as a cadet dating from 1890. For
nearly seven years he was in the Straits
Settlements, and during that time he acted
in a magisterial capacity on several occa-
sions, and also as Deputy Registrar of the
Supreme Court, Penang. He tame to Hong-
kong in August of 1897 as Assistant Regis-
trar-General, and served on the Commission
appointed to report on the interpretation
scheme. Before receiving his present posi-
tion, in October of 1907, he was for two
years president of the Land Court, and had
acted as Police Magistrate, Attorney-General,
and Puisne Judge. He is a Bachelor of Arts
of Oxford and a member of the Bar (1899).
He speaks the Tie-Chin, Hok-kien and Can-
tonese dialects.
id
MR. FRANCIS ARTHUR HAZELAND, the
second Police Magistrate of Hongkong, was
appointed Clerk to the Puisne Judge in
November, 1878, and subsequently discharged
the duties of First Clerk of the Supreme
Court and Marshal of the Colonial Court of
Admiralty, Acting Chief Clerk in the Colonial
Secretary's office and Acting Clerk of Coun-
cils, and Deputy Registrar. While on leave
in 1899 he was called to the Bar by Lincoln's
Inn. Since his return to the Colony in the
following year he has served for several
long terms as Acting Police Magistrate and
Coroner. His present substantive appoint-
ment dates from 1901.
THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL.— A biographi-
cal sketch of Mr. William Rees-Davies, the
Attorney-General, will be found under the
heading " Executive and Legislative Councils."
MR. FRANCIS BULMER LYON BOWLEY,
Crown Solicitor and Notary Public, was born
in 1868, at Bristol, and received his educa-
tion at the Bristol Grammar School. He was
admitted a Solicitor in London in 1890, and
in 1893 came to Hongkong to join Mr.
H. L. Dennys. Seven years later he was
appointed Crown Solicitor in succession to
Mr. Dennys, and at the same time undertook
the duties of Secretary, Librarian, and Curator
at the City Hall, which he fulfilled for six
years. He is on the committee of the Hong-
kong Law Society.
MR. GEORGE HERBERT WAKEMAN, who
has been in the Hongkong Government Ser-
vice for about seven years and has held the
position of Land Oflicer and Official Receiver
in Bankruptcy since August, 1905, was born
on June 15, 1866, and educated at Cams
College, Cambridge. He was appointed
Assistant Land Oflicer on June 29, 1900, and
was made a Justice of the Peace in the same
year Mr. Wakeman is an enthusiastic rifle-
shot, and in 1906-7 was honorary secretary
of the Volunteer Reserve Association, founded
by Sir Matthew Nathan.
I. O. I). Thomson. Esc^
Srilicitor.
4. F. A. Hazkhnd. Esg..
Second Holice Ma((i»trate.
7. J. Scott Hakstox. Es^., f>.
Solicitor.
II. Arathoos SrTH. Esq..
Re^stnr.
14. G. C. C. Master, Esq.. i.V
SaOcltor.
HONGKONG LEGAL GROUP.
2. Paui, M. HoD(isf>x. Es(j.. 3. H.
Solicitor.
5, F. B. L. Bowi.EY. Esq..
Crown Solicitor.
Mr. Ji;stice Wise. <>. Sir F. T. Piggott. Kt.,
Puisne JudKC. Chief Justice.
12. F. X. D'AI.MADA K Castro, Esq.. 13.
Solicitor.
C. D. WiLKiKsox, E.SQ., 16. G. A. Hastings. Esq..
Solicitor. SoUcltor.
W. LooKKK, Esq.,
Solicitor.
6. H. H. J. GoMPKRiZ, Esq.,
First Magistrate.
10. G. K. Hai-I. Hrittox, Esq..
Solicitor.
Sir Hkxky S. Bekkelev,
H;uTisttT..il-l..'iw.
17. P. W. GoLitHixG, Esq..
Solicitor.
FINANCE.
By the Hon. Mr. A. M. Thomson. Colonial Treasurer.
HE Coloni.il Treasurer is tlie
officer in ciiarge of all finan-
cial operations, subject to the
P'inancial Instructions and
such orders as may be trans-
mitted to him from time to
time. He is also Collector of
Stamp Revenue. The staff of the Treasury
is of the usual clerical nature, and heads of
departments are regarded as sub-accountants
under the Treasurer so far as they are
required to transact financial business.
In the early days the Imperial CJovernment
bore practically the whole of the expenses of
the Colony, voting a sum annually for the
purpose of carrying on the business of the
Government. During the Governorship of
Sir George Bonham (1848 54) this grant,
which had been reduced to _^25,ooo, was
further reduced to £9,200, and soon after-
wards was withdrawn altogether. Two
grants of ;fio,ooo each, however, were ren-
dered necessary by public works in 1857 and
1858. Since that time the Colony has been
self-supporting.
The revenue for 1907 amounted to
16,602,280, of which the principal portions
were derived from the opium farm and
assessed taxes. The former is now tet at
$1,452,000 per annum, and the latter item is
practically a general charge of 13 per cent.
on rateable property in the Colony, yielding
something like $1,397,730 per annum. Land
sales form an item of extraordinary revenue,
but the amount derived from them in 1907
was only $159,750. Two factors have con-
tributed to the decline in the receipts from
this source. In the first instance, most of
the valuable land in the business centres has
been alienated ; and, in the second, owing
to the geneial depression of trade during
the last two years very little capital has
been put into new enterprises for which
land might have been required, though there
are plenty of suitable factory sites available.
For the first few years of the Colony's exis-
tence leases were granted for a term of
75 years, but, in accordance with the
general wishes of the community, a change
was made, and leases were granted for
999 years. About ten years ago, however,
the Secretary of State issued a new rule to
the effect that the original term of 75 years
should again be introduced, and that rule
remains in force at the present day. All
Crown leases are sold by auction. Hong-
kong being a free port, there are no customs
or excise duties in the Colony.
The rateable value of the city of Victoria
for 1907 8 was $8,892,205, a decrease of
3'42 per cent, on that of the previous twelve
months, while that for the whole Colony,
$10,654,338, sliowcd a falling-off of 2-52
per cent.
The expenditure for 1907 came to
S5.757i203, including a sum of $728,650 spent
on extraordinary public works, exclusive of
the railway to Canton, which is being pro-
vided for by advances from a special fund
to a special account. The Colony pays a
military contribution of 20 per cent, on its
annual revenue, exclusive of land sales.
The following table shows the revenue and
expenditure of the Colony during the last
ten years : —
Statement of Kevknuk and Expenditure
I'UOM 1898 '
ro I
907.
Revenue.
ExpencUtu
e.
$
c.
$
C.
1898
... 2,918,159
24
2,841,805
20
1899
... 3,610,143
25
3,162,792
36
1900
... 4,202,587
40
3,628,447
13
1901
... 4,213,893
22
4,111,722
49
1902
... 4,901,073
70
5,909,548
51
1903
- 5,238,857
88
5,396,669
48
1904
... 6,809,047
99
6,376,235
30
1905
... 6,918,403
85
6,951,275
26
1906
... 7.035,011
7«
6,832,610
68
1907
... 6,602,280
25
5,757,203
47
At the end of 1907 the excess of assets
over liabilities, exclusive of loan liabilities,
was $[,444,738, as will be seen from the
following statement : —
Assets. $ c.
Balance in bank 393,54' 38
Advances 168,501 50
Crown agents' deposit 569,897 96
Subsidiary coins in stock ... 645,521 75
Profit on Money Order Office... 10,000 00
Suspense account (advanced for
railway construction) 863,271 40
Total $2,650,733 99
Liabilities. $ c.
Bills on Colonial Office in transit 395,876 29
Deposits not available 656,505 90
Military contribution in excess
of estimate 64,590 00
Pensions not paid 30,400 00
Balance overdrawn in London 27,503 71
Miscellaneous ... 31,119 23
Total
...$1,205,995 13
The above does not include arrears of
revenue, amounting to $88,978-33.
The first loan ever raised by the Colony
was negotiated in 1886, when ;^20o,ooo was
borrowed for public works — chiefly the
Tytam W.aterworks. In course of time
this loan was repaid. The existing con-
solidated loan amounts to ;£i,485.732. There
is a credit of £60,704 (present market value
of securities) at sinking fund account, and it
is expected that the whole liability may be
extinguished about 1943, including the amount
which may be advanced from the special
fund for railway construction. The first
portion of the consolidated loan was raised
in 1893, when £342,000, approximately, was
borrowed at 3 J per cent, for the purpose of
extending the Praya Reclamation, constructing
the Central Market, and carrying out other
public works extraordinary, in .addition to
paying off the balance of the 1886 loan,
amounting approximately to £142,000. The
remaining portion, borrowed in 1905, costs
the Government £3 13s. per cent, for interest
annually, but this last loan was raised to
provide an advance of £1,100,000 to the
Viceroy of Wuchang, repayable by him in
yearly instalments of £110,000, and bearing
interest at 4.J per cent. These repayments
and the inteiest on the balance, form the
special fund above referred to.
There is a Widows' and Orphans' Pension
Fund in existence, on the same lines as in
other Colonies, the finances being managed
by the Treasurer. There is no Government
Savings Bank.
THE COLONIAL TREASURER.— A brief
biographical sketch of the Hon. Mr. A. M.
Thomson, the Colonial Treasurer, will be
found under the heading '• Executive and
Legislative Councils."
IMR. HUGH RICHARD PHELIPS, who has
been in the service of the Hongkong Govern-
ment as Local Auditor since December, 1904,
was born on January 6, i86g, and was edu-
cated at Weymouth College and at Queen's
College, Oxford. He was appointed Local
Auditor for the Niger Coast Protectorate, West
Africa, in October, 1894, and two years later
became Assistant-Auditor of tlie East Africa
Protectorate. He was Local Auditor of
Uganda in 1897, and held a similar position
in the East Africa Protectorate in 1901. For
services rendered to the Government in
1897 9 he was awarded the Uganda Mutiny
medal and clasp. Since his arrival in the
Colony Mr. Phelips has been made a Justice
of the Peace. He is attached to Somerset
O
114 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONCrKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
House, and is a member of the Sports Clbb,
London. Mr. Phelips married, in 1903,
Jacquette Edith, youngest daughter of the Kev.
George Lanibe. of •' Highlands," Ivybridge,
Devon. He resides at No. 72, Mount Kellel,
Hongkong.
THE ASSESSOR OF RATES.— A short
biograpliy of Mr. A. Chapman, the Assessor
of Kates, appears in the Volunteer section
of this work.
CURRENCY.
The currency of Hongkong consists of the
dollar, half-dollar, twenty-, ten-, tive-, and one-
cent pieces, and of cash (or mil) represent-
ing the thousandth part of a dollar. The
one-cent piece and the cash are of copper.
the rest of silver. The cash is practically
never used. Notes of seven denominations,
ranging in value from one dollar to S500
each, are issued by the Chartered Hank,
the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, and the
National Bank of China. These notes had
an average circulation in December, 1907,
representing $16,916,166.
Two kinds of dollar are in circulation,
namely the British and the Mexican.
Formerly coins were issued from a mint
that was opened in Hongkong in 1866 on
the site now occupied by the Sugar Refinery
at East Point, and run for two years at a
cost of ;£9,ooo a year, but they are never
met with at the present day.
The value of the dollar is not fixed, but
varies in accordance with the prevailing rate
of silver. The highest point that it lias
touched during the List twenty years is
4s. 3ld., in 1877, and the lowest is. 6Jd.,
in 1902. The greatest variation in any
THE PREMISES OP THE CHARTERED BANK OF INDIA, AUSTRALIA,
AND CHINA. [Sec page iiS.]
twelve months occurred in 1890, when the
price fell from 3s. lojd. to 3s. ojd.
This liability to thictualion introduces, of
course, a serious speculative element into the
commercial operations of the Colony, and
suggestions have been made from lime to
time for fixing the value of the dollar, as it
has been fixed recently in the Straits Settle-
ments. The insuperable difficulty in the
way of carrying out this very desirable
reform lies in the fact that Hongkong is
little else but a shipping centre between
China and the rest of the world, and in
China there is no fixed currency. Indeed, in
the Chinese Empire taels, or weights of
silver equal to an ounce and a third, and
doll.irs that have been cut into sections are
accepted .it their intrinsic value as a medium
of exchange. Silver dollars, therefore, may
be regarded merely as a commodity whose
value is determined by supply and demand.
In these circumstances, even if the dollar
were fixed in Hongkong it would not be
accepted at its face value in China, and
therefore the responsibility of dealing with
the exchange question would only be trans-
ferred from commercial houses in Hongkong
to their representatives in Canton. Under
existing conditions, prudent merchants en-
gaged in transactions between Canton and,
say, London make arraTigements with the local
banks for a fixed dollar from time to time,
and are thus enabled to quote on a safe
basis. As a rule the banks will allow their
offers to remain open for twenty-four hours.
Although by this arrangement it is often
impossible to compete with the trader who
is ready to gamble by quoting at the current
rate of exchange and calculating upon a fall
in the value of the dollar, it is the only safe
method of carrying on business.
Since 1863 quantities of subsidiary silver
coinage have been minted in London and
issued by the Hongkong Government for use
in the Colony. The Chinese, finding this
subsidiary coinage a much more convenient
form of exchange than long strings of
copper cash, about 1,000 of which went to
the dollar, used it extensively ; indeed it is
estimated that not more than 10 per cent, of
the coins minted by the British authorities
remain in the Colony at the present day.
In course of time the Chinese Government,
recognising the demand that existed for these
small coins, began minting them, with the
consequence that the importation of British
coins received a serious check and the
Colony was flooded with the Chinese coin-
age, which, although of the same weight
and fineness as Hongkong coins, are not
fractions of a legal standard as the latter
are. At the time of writing, both the
British and Chinese subsidiary coins are at
about 5 per cent, discount ; in other words,
a British or Mexican dollar will buy loj
ten-cent pieces. The consequent disarrange-
ment of local trade and the injustice which
Chinese coolies suffer by being paid by their
headmen in small coinage at the rate of loo
cents to the dollar engaged the attention of
a specially appointed committee in the latter
part of 1907. While agreeing that the only
effectual method of dealing witli the question
was by Government intervention, since con-
certed individual action was, in practice,
impossible, the committee found themselves
hopelessly divided when they came to the
formulation of a definite scheme. The
majority advocated the prohibition of the
importation and circulation of all alien sub-
sidiary coinage ; while the minority, fearing
that this might bring about a further
depreciation in the value of Canton coins
and lead to financial disabilities, if not to
HONGKONG AND SHANGHAI BANK.
INTERIOR OF HONGKONG AND SHANGHAI BANK.
[See page 118.]
UG TWENTIKTH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONOKONCJ, SHANGHAI, ETC.
measures of retaliation by the Cliinese
authorities, adversely affecting the trade of
the Colony, urged that the Chinese Govern-
ment should he pressed to reform its
currency in the terms of the Mackay Treaty,
and that an attempt should be made to
secure an undertaking that the Canton Mint
would cease coining subsidiary coin until
Hongkong and Canton subsidiary coins
reached par value, and that thenceforward
both parties should agree to restiict minting
to actual retiuirements.
BANKING.
The first mention of Banking in the olVicial
summary of the history of the Colony is that
a branch of the Oriental Banking Corporation
was established in April, 1845— the year in
which the first unsuccessful attempt was
made to place the currency of the Colony
on a gold basis. The establishment of this
institution was welcomed, it being regarded
as indiaitive of the sanguine expectations
entertained by the comnumity as to the
island's commercial future. Two years later,
and before it was chartered, this bank put
into circulation over 56,000 dollars' worth of
notes, "to the great relief of local trade," as
the historian informs us.
The subject of banking from that date
onwards, for a period of nearly twenty years,
is practically ignored by the records, though
there are frequent references to the currency
question. The issue of the prospectus of the
Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation
in July, 1864, is the next mention, and, iiici-
denlally, Ur. Eitel alludes to the existence
at that time of six banking institutions — the
Oriental Bank already referred to, the Agia
and United Service Bank ; the Central Hank
of Western India ; the Chartered Hank of
India, Australia and China ; the Chartered
Mercantile Bank of India, London, and China;
and llie Commercial Bank of India. This list
PaEHISES OF THE BANQUE DE L'INDO CHINE.
[See page 119.]
does not appear to be a complete one, how-
ever, for some of the older inhabitants of the
Colony well remember that there were also in
operation the Comptoir Nalionale d'Kscomple
de Paris ; the Bank of Hindustan, China, and
Japan ; the Asiatic Bank ; and the Hank of
India. In fact, the manager of the French
bank, Mr. Victor Kresser, became the Inst
manager of the newly formed Hongkong Bank,
and the accountant of the Hank of Hindu-
stan, Mr. John Grigor, its first accountant.
Of all these institutions only three — the
Chartered Bank of India, the Mercantile
Bank of India, and the Hongkong Hank —
actually survive to-day, whilst the financial
interests of a foiu-th, the Comptoir Natioiiale
d'Ksconipte di; Paris, were taken over in 181/)
by the Hanque de I'lndo Chine. The exact
fate of tile others has hitherto escaped record
for the most part, but they were all severely
shaken by the great Bombay crisis of 1866,
brought about by the failure of Prenichand
K'oychand's " Back Bay" scheme of reclama-
tion, and of many other companies floated by
him, in which millions of money were lost.
In the same year the failure of Overend,
(Jurncy & Co., a big London firm, created
widespread panic, and in consequence, there
was a run on the vaiious banks in the Colony.
There was something of a scandal at the
time, for in those days, before the advent
of the cable, news filtered in slowly, and,
in the excitement of tlie moment, some of
tlie earliest recipients took matters into their
own hands, grabbing notes from the bank
counters, and in some cases landing them-
selves by their unseemly behaviour, in the
police court. These causes, with the failure
of Dent & Co., Lyall, Still & Co.. and other
lirms, added to the general depression in the
trade of the Colony which characterised the
years 1866 69, led nllimately to the failure
or closing of the Commercial, the Central,
the Hindustan, the Asiatic, the Agra, and
probably other of the banks. Even the Hong-
kong and Shanghai Hank, with its capital of
two and a half million dollars and its influen-
tial directorate, passed through unpleasant
vicissitudes of fortune, culminating in 1874 75
in its inability to pay a dividend ; and it was
not until Sir Thomas Jackson, probably the
greatest financier the Colony has ever known,
assumed the management of its affairs, and
there was a revival of local prosperity, that
the shareholders' fears were allayed, and the
bank fulfilled the promises of its early years.
The banks in existence in the Colony at the
present day are the Hongkong and Shanghai
Bank (attached to which is the Hongkong
Savings Bank), the Chartered Bank of India,
Australia and China, the National Bank of
China, the Mercantile Bank of India, the Inter-
national Bank, the Banque de I'lndo Chine,
the Kusso-Chinese Bank, the Nederlandsch-
Indische Handelsbank, the Deutsch-Asiatische
Hank, and the Hank of Taiwan. The premises
of the more important banks are in close
proximity to one another, and are amongst
the most imposing buildings in a city remark-
able for its architectural features. That
Hongkong should have risen to such emin-
ence in the financial world is due, as
Alexander Michie points out in his well-
known work, not to its local resources, but
to its strategical position which has enabled
it "to retain the character of a pivot upon
which Far Eastern commerce turns."
The circulation of bank-notes in the Colony,
first started by the Oriental Hank in 1847,
has risen to an average of something like
17,000,000 dollars' worth, the majority being
notes issued by the Hongkong and Shanghai
Banking Corporation. The history of their
gradual introduction is marked by a curious
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 117
passage, as recorded by Dr. Eitel. In
1873, when the value of tlie notes hi cir-
culation had reachtd three and a qiiaiter
million dollars, " the Governor (Sir A. E.
Kennedy! received an intimation that the
Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty's Trea-
sury disapproved of the issue of one dollar
notes on the ground that the notes would be
largely in the hands of the poorest Chinese,
who might be even more subject to panics
than the mercantile classes. The (Jovernor
was instructed to order the withdrawal
of these notes unless serious public incon-
venience should result from such a course.
When the Governor accordingly called upon
the bank (February, 1874) to show cause
why the one dollar notes should not be
called in, the whole community took up the
matter, and a numerously signed memorial,
supported by a special resolution of the
Chamber of Commerce, was forwarded to
Her Majesty's Government (March, 1874) in
favour of the retention of these one dollar
notes."
The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank is
authorised, in accordance with its Ordinance
of Incorporation, to issue up to 10,000,000
dollars' worth of bank-notes, including notes
issued in Hongkong as well as by any of its
agencies in any part of the world. Beyond
that the Corporation may issue notes to any
extent, provided that the actual bullion is
deposited previously in the joint custody of
the Colonial Secretary and the Colonial
Treasurer. The Chartered Bank of India,
Australia, and China, is the only other bank
in Hongkong authorised to issue notes by
charter from the Home Government. Tlieir
limit for the Colony of Hongkong under the
charter is 4,000,000 dollars' worth. At the
same time if Ihey deposit, dollar for dollar,
bullion value, they also may issue in excess
of that amount. In 1895 the National Bank
of China began to issue notes, unauthor-
ised by the Government either by ordinance
or charter, and the result of this was the
passing, at a special sitting of the Legislative
Council, of Ordinance No. 2 of 1895, pro-
hibiting the issue of notes in the Colony
e.vcept by permission, but allowing the circu-
lation of aTiy notes actually in circulation
before March 20, 1895, a schedule of which
had to be supplied to the Colonial Treasurer
on application. The National Bank has,
therefore, 450,000 dollars' worth of notes in
circulation, though these notes are not recog-
nised by the Hongkong Government.
Two big bank robberies are recorded in
the earlier annals. In July, 1862, a huge
fraud was perpetrated upon the Chartered
Mercantile Bank by an Indian merchant,
who, with the assistance of an Englishman
in charge of the opium stored in the receiv-
ing-ship Tropic, forged opium certificates to
a total of $2,000,000. In 1864 and 1865
there was great activity on the part of certain
ingenious Chinese burglars who came to be
known as "drain gangs." The godowns of
Smith, Archer & Co., and the jewellery store
of Douglas Lapraik were raided in 1864, and,
emboldened by these successes, a master-
stroke was planned early in the following
year. Tlie story cannot be belter narrated
than in the words of Mr. Norton-Kyshe, in his
"History of the Laws and Courts of Hong-
kong." He writes : "A serious bank robbery
took place between the evening of Saturday
the 4th and the morning of Monday the 6th
of February, when the Central Bank of
Western India was robbed of $115,000 in
notes, gold, and silver, by thieves who entered
the bank's treasury vaults from the drains.
The principal labour seems to have been that
of tunnelling a passage of twenty yards from
an adjacent drain lo a spot ex.'ictly below the
treasury vault. A perpendicular shaft, ten
feet in length, of sufiicient diameter to allow
the passage of one mnn, was next made, and
tliis brought the borers to the granite boulders
on which the floor of the vault rested. These
naturally sank down as they were under-
mined, and nothing remained but lo force up
a slab, when ingress became free. Sixty-
three thousand dollars in mixed notes were
carried off, along with ^"ir,ooo in gold
ingots marked with the stamp of the bank."
As far as could be ascertained, the gang
consisted of nine men, of whom three only
were brought up for trial — one being dis-
charged, and the others being sentenced lo
four years penal servitude. They would be
^100, plus, of course, his profit and the cost of
freight, which may be ignored for the purpose
of this illustration. On arrival of the goods in
London six weeks or so later the dollar might
have risen to 2s. 2d., which, in the ordinary
way, would mean that when the ;^ioo was
cabled out lo him he would receive only about
S923. In order to guard against this, mer-
chants arrange with their bankers for a fixed
rate of exchange, and are thus guaranteed a
specified number of dollars whatever may be
the fluctuations of exchange. An importer of
European goods for the Chitiese market, adopts
of course, a similar method of insuring himself
against loss. The bank's quotations in such
cases depend upon whether the dollar is con-
sidered likely to become cheaper or dearer.
PREMISES OF THE YOKOHAMA SPECIE BANK, LTD. [See page iiy]
smart thieves who could effect such a burglary
at the present day I
Owing to the fluctuations of the dollar the
Hongkong banks do an immense business in
e.xchange quotations. A merchant who pur-
chases in Canton goods for export to England,
must have some firm basis upon which to
make his calculations, otherwise, if pending
delivery of the goods the dollar increase in
value, the sterling remitted to him on the
completion of the transaction will represent in
the local currency something less than he
anticipated. For example, if at the time of
making the purchase the dollar stood at 2s., the
merchant would have to pay $1,000 in Canton
for silk which he agreed to sell in L<jndon for
In the European banks the whole of the
Chinese business is controlled by a compradore,
a Chinaman of considerable financial standing,
who hns to lodge a large sum of money with
the bank as guarantee. The compradore acts
as an intermediary between the liank and its
Chinese clients. If a native bank or a substan-
tial Chinese Government official or merchant
wants a loan, the compradore, having satisfied
himself as to the financial soundness of the
applicant, negotiates with the manager of the
bank for the required amount, and enters
himself as surety for its repayment In other
respects the compradore has much the same
functions as an ordinary general broker,
buying and selling sterling bills, sovereigns,
02
118 TWENTIETH CENTI^RY IMPRESSIONS OF HONOKONO, SHANGHAI, ETC.
telegraphic transfers, &c., always standing as
guarantee to the hank for the Iwna tides of
the contracts.
In addition to the European banks, there
are upwards of thirty native hanks, chief
among them being the Yuen Fung Yan, the
Soy Kut, the Hong Yue. the Shing Tak, and
the Yue Fung. Some of them are substantial
concerns, having their own compradores, and
capital sums ranging up to two or three lakhs
of dollars. Their- business lies chiefly in
receiving money on deposit and in lending
money against security of goods. They also
conduct a large remittance business between
Hongkong. Canton, and the interior of China,
where none of the large European banks have
agencies ; indeed, as far as Chinese business is
concerned, they act to a large extent as feeders
of the European banks. Like all the other
establishments they speculate a little on
exchange.
THE CHARTERED BANK.— The distinction
of being the oldest established banking insti-
tution in the Colony belongs to the Chartered
Bank of India, Australia, and China, its
Hongkong branch having been founded
nearly half a century ago. Its business is
that of an exchange bank. The head office
is in London, and there are branches in
New York, Hamburg, and numerous places
in the East. The paid-up capital is ;£'i,20o,ooo,
and the reserve liability of the proprietors is
;t8oo,ooo. N'o less a sum than £'1,475,000
has been set aside as a reserve fund, so that
the financial soundness of the concern is
assured. The manager of the bank is Mr.
John Armstrong, who has been in the service
of the bank in the East for about twenty-
four years. The bank's premises form part
of the handsome row of similar institutions
PREMISES OF THE NETHERLANDS TRADINQ SOCIETY (SECOND FLOOR).
[Sec p.i)ie 119,]
in Queen's Street Central, and the site on
which the building stands is the property
of the Corporation.
HONOKONO AND SHANGHAI BANKING
CORPORATION. — Largely owing to able
manaf;ement and to the foresight of successive
directors, the Hongkong and Shanghai
Banking Corporation is to-day the premier
bank of the East. Its history is one of extra-
ordinary prosperity, and though at one time
heavy losses were encountered, the tide soon
became once more favourable, and upon it
the Corporation has been carried to its present
strong position in the financial world.
Tlie bank was started in 1864 with a paid-
up capital of $2,500,000, in 20,000 shares of
$125 each, and amongst its founders were
men whose names are associated with some
of the largest undertakings of the last half
century. Business was commenced in 1865,
shortly before the opening of the Suez Canal
revolutionised the trade of the Far East, and
incorporation was granted in 1866. The
prosperity anticipated by the sliareliolders
was fully realised for some years ; then came
losses, and for 1874 and the first half of 1875
no dividend was paid. In 1876, Mr. J.ickson
(now Sir Thomas Jackson, Bart.), was ap-
pointed chief manager, and from that time
onward the progress of the bank has been
most marked.
In 1874 the Imperial Chinese Government
contracted a loan with the bank of £"600,000.
Since then the Hongkong and Shanghai
Banking Corporation has been the means of
placing many Chinese Government loans on
the markets, and has also assisted in the flota-
tion of Government loans for Japan and Siam.
Sir Thomas Jackson finally retired from
the chief managership in 1902, and was
succeeded by Mr. J. K. M. Smith, the present
chief manager.
To-day the paid-up capital of the Corpora-
tion is 8115,000,000. The authorised note
issue is §15,000,000. The sterling reserve
fund amounts to £1,500,000, which at
exchange of 2/- is equal to $15,000,000,
invested in sterling securities (mainly Consols
standing in the books at 82), and the silver
reserve fund to $13,500,000— a total of
$28,500,000. Tlie reserve liability of the
proprietors is $15,000,000.
The Court of Directors is composed of
Mr. G. H. Medhurst (of Messrs. Dodwell &
Co., Ltd.), Chairman ; the Hon. Mr. Henry
Keswick (of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson &
Co., Ltd.), Deputy Chairman ; Messrs. G.
Friesland (of Messrs. Melchers & Co.),
A. Kuclis (of Messrs. Siemssen & Co.),
E. Goetz (of Messrs. Arnhokl, Karberg &
Co.), C. K. Len/.mann (of Messrs. Carlowilz
& Co.), A. J. Raymond (of Messrs. E. D.
Sassoon & Co.), E. Shellim (of Messrs. David
Sassoon & Co., Ltd.), K. Shewan (of Messrs.
Shewan, Tomes & Co.), H. A. W. Slade (of
Messrs. Gihnan & Co.), and H. E. Tomkins
(of Messrs. Keiss & Co.).
Branches and agencies of the bank are
established at Amoy, Bangkok, Batavia,
TWENTIETH CENTUEY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 119
Bombay, Calcutta, Colombo, Koocliow, Ham-
burg, Hankow, Kobe, London, Lyons, Manila,
Nagasaki, New York, Peking, Penang,
Rangoon, Saigon, San Francisco, Sliangliai,
Singapore, Sourabaya, Tientsin, Yloilo. and
Yokohama.
The London and County Banking Company,
Ltd., act as the London bankers of the Cor-
poration.
The bank premises occupy one of the best
business sites in the Colony. The main
entrance is in Queen's Road, Central, to which
the bank has an imposing frontage, whilst
the back of the premises opens on Des Voeux
Road. The banking hall is one of the
finest in existence, with desks and counters
on either side, and covered by a spacious
dome of pleasing proportions.
The Corporation also conducts the business
of the Hongkong Savings Bank.
BANQUE DE L'INDO CHINE. The Banque
de I'lndo Chine, which represents French
interests in the Colony of Hongkong and
throughout the Far East generally, was
established in the Far East in 1875, by
special charter from the French Government,
with a capital of Fr36,ooo,ooo and a reserve
fund of Fr24,ooo,ooo. The Hongkong agency
was opened in 1896, and took over the finan-
cial interests of the Comptoir Nationale
d'Escompte de Paris. In 1900 an agency was
also started in the neighbouring Chinese city
of Canton. The Hongkong branch is managed
by Mr. L. Berindoague, and the Canton agency
by Mr. G. Garnier. There are other branches
and agencies of the bank at Saigon, Haiphong,
Hanoi, Tourane, Pnom-Penh, Noumea, Shang-
hai, Hankeau, Bangkok, Pondicherry, Batlan-
bang, Peking, Tientsin, Papeete, and Singapore.
THE YOKOHAMA SPECIE BANK, LIMITED.
— When Japan forsook her policy of isola-
tion and allowed her subjects to have free
intercourse with the outside world, a tremen-
dous impetus was naturally given to the
trade and commerce of the country. Great
business corporations sprang into being, and
the rapid advance made, from the commercial
and industrial point of view, by the people of
the Empire has been a cause of astonishment
to all nations. There are many financial
houses now conducting operations upon an
extensive scale, and one of the most impor-
tant of these is the Yokohama Specie Bank
(Yokohama Shokin Ginko). Founded in 1880
with an authorised capital of Y3,ooo,ooo,
it was entrusted with the management of
several million yen of the Treasury reserve,
and thus had an ample capital at its disposal
for discounting foreign bills of exchange.
In 1889, however, this suppoit was withdrawn,
and in place of it, the Bank of Japan was
ordered to re-discount foreign bills of
exchange on demand of the Specie Bank, to
an amount not exceeding Y20,ooo,ooo, at
the rate of 2 per cent, per ammm. In 1887,
when the special ordinance respecting the
Specie Bank was promulgated, the capital of
the bank was raised to Y6,ooo,ooo. The
consequent extension of business necessitated
in the same year, a further increase of capital
to Y 12,000,000, and in 1899 the capital was
again doubled. The business carried on by
the bank consists of foreign exchange ; inland
exchange ; loans ; deposit of money and
custody of articles of value ; discount and
collection of bills of exchange ; promissory
Chang-Chung, Hongkong, and Shanghai.
The London office is the agency of the Bank
of Japan. At the fifty-fifth half-yearly ordinary
general meeting held in Yokohama in
September, 1907, it was reported that the
paid-up capital amounted to Y24,ooo,ooo,
and the reserve to Y 15,050,000. The gross
profit for the half-year was Y 12, 17 1,077,
from which Y9,266,oi8 were deducted for
current expenses, interest, &c., leaving a
balance of Y2,905,058 for appropriation.
An additional Y500,ooo was added to the
PREMISES OF THE NEDERLANDSCH-INDISCHE HANDELSBANK.
notes and other cheques ; and exchange of
coins. The bank has authority to buy and
sell public bonds, gold and silver bullion,
and foreign coins. It is also entrusted with
matters relating to foreign loans and with
the management of public moneys for inter-
national account. The head office is at
Yokohama, and there are branches and
agencies in Tokio, Kobe, Osaka, Nagasaki,
London, Lyons, New York, San Francisco,
Honolulu, Bombay, Hankow, Chefoo,
Tientsin, Peking, Newchwang, Dalny, Port
Arthur, Antung, Lioyang, Mukden, Tiding,
[See page 120.]
reserve fund, a dividend of 12 per cent,
was declared, and a balance of Yi,o55,058
was carried forward to the credit of llie next
account. The Hongkong branch of the
bank is situated in Prince's Buildings, and is
managed by Mr. Takeo Takamichi.
<•
THE NETHERLANDS TRADING SOCIETY.
— The Netherlands Trading Society (Neder-
landsche Handel-Maatschappij), which has
had a branch at Singapore for about half a
120 TWENTIETH CENTITKY I3IPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
THE BANK OF TAIWAN, LTD.
century, extended its operations lo Hongkong
in Febru.iry, 1906, talcing offices in Queen's
Buildings. The bank was established at
Amsterdam in 1824, and has a capital of
;f3,75o,ooo with a reserve fund of ;f4i7,ooo.
The head office in the East is at Batavia,
but a large business in the Far East is
transacted through the Singapore office. In
its early days the Society was more interested
in trading than in banking, but at the present
time it is concerned only witli banking and
cxcliaiige business. The manager at Hong-
Icong is Mr. J. L. Van Houten, wlio served
with the bank for several years in the Straits
Settlements and Sumatra.
NEDERLANDSCH-INDISCHEHANDELSBANK.
— This financial house— the Nctheilands-lndia
CommercHal Bank — which has its liead office
in Amsterdam and its chief agency in Bat.ivia,
was establislied in 1863 witli an authorised
capital of ;t 1)250,000 (_t' 1,040,000 paid up).
Since its formation it has been largely con-
cerned in the sugar industry of the Dutch
colonies, especially in Java. It owns eight
large plantations with factories, and finances
about fifteen others. The eight plantations
and factories referied to are operated by the
Nederlandsch - Indische Landbomv - Maats-
chappij — Nelherlands-lndia Agricultuia! Com-
pany -the whole of the shares in which are
held by the bank. During recent years the
sugar trade of Java with Japan and China has
been very large, and with the object primarily
of facilitating business the bank extended its
operations to Hongkong and established a
branch at 16, Des Voeux Road, Central, on
November i, 1906. Mr. J. Boetje, who has
been for ten years in the bank's service, is
the manager at Hongkong.
THE BANK OF TAIWAN, LTD. -Any account
of the financial institutions of the ColoEiy
would be incomplete without some reference
to the Bank of Taiwan, Ltd., a large and
infiuential house with its headquarters at
Taipeh, Formosa, and branches and agencies
at Amoy, Swatow, Newchwang, Darien,
P'oochow, Keelung, Kobe, Osaka, Tokio,
Yokohama, Moji, Nagasaki, London, New
York, San Francisco, Shanghai, Taichu,
Tainan, Takow, Tamsui, &c., established
some eight years ago, it is the Goverinnent
bank in Formosa, and is incorporated by
special imperial charter. Two years after
its foundation it extended its operations to
Hongkong, and the business carried on
under its auspices has increased steadily
month by month, until now it holds a
prominent place in the commercial life of the
Colony. The capital amounts to Ys,ooo,ooo,
of wliich Y3, 750,000 is paid up, and there
are reserve funds amounting to Y830,ooo.
The statement of accounts published in June,
1907, showed a net profit for the half-year
of Y299,45o. Mr. Kazuyoslii Yagiu is the
president, Mr. Totaro Shimosaka, is the vice-
president, and Messrs. Muneyoshi Tatsuno and
Isolatsu Kajivvara, are the directors of the
Company. The Hongkong offices are in
Princes Buildings, and the branch is managed
by Mr. D. Tohdow, who has been in the
service of the bank since its formation. He
has the assistance of an excellent general
staff and a Chinese compradore.
EDUCATION.
By G. H. BATESON Wright, D.D. (OXON.), Headmaster of Queen's College, Hongkong.
impress upon
ilONGKONG is siii generis."
Thirty years ago this was
the war cry of the eloquent
Hon. Mr. Phineas Ryrie,
locally known as the Ru-
pert of Debate. He never
wearied of endeavouring to
the Government that it was
futile to attempt to apply the experiences of
England and India to the conditions of
Hongkong. Few people will be found ready
to deny that a sound substratum of fact
underlies the idea ; but it is equally certain
that for many decades Hongkong suffered
from undue regard to the conviction that
English methods could not solve Chinese
problems.
Prima facie, it would appear probable that
Education would naturally be one of those
subjects in which great, if not insuperable,
difficulties would be encountered in dealing
with a large, mixed, cosmopolitan community,
the bulk of which belongs to the most con-
servative of nations on the face of the earth —
the Chinese. Despite the hindrances en-
gendered by this conception, a cursory review
of the history of Education in this Colony will
show that, after all. a greater similarity obtains
between the conditions existing in the mother
country and this little Colony than might at the
coup d'oeil be supposed possible.
In England, from 1850 to 1870, the only
elementary schools were the National Schools,
under the ;egis of the Established Episcopal
Church, the British Schools supported by the
Nonconformist denominations, and the Roman
Catholic Schools, all of these receiving bonuses
from the Government, with special con-
sideration to the Established Church. We
need not be surprised, then, to find that for the
first twenty or thirty years the Hongkong
Government contented itself with aiding
missionary efforts by grants and by tlie
establishment of Grant-in-aid Schools under
the control of an Educational Committee,
of which Bishop Smith, and subsequently
Dr. Legge, was chairman. When Board
Schools were instituted in England the Forster
Code was introduced into Hongkong, with the
modifications required by local conditions.
At intervals new editions of the local Code
were published, generally increasing both the
value of the grant and the severity of the
standard. Last of all, Hongkong, following the
lead at home, abolished the necessity of an
annual examination of all the scholars in the
Grant-in-aid Scliools, leaving the assessment of
the proficiency of each school, and the extent
to which it shall be subject to examination,
to the discretion of the Inspector of Schools.
So far, it will be observed, nothing has
been recorded indicative of any necessity for
peculiar treatment of educational matters in
Hongkong. Naturally', however, linguistic
and racial problems unknown in Great Britain
arise in this Colony. Of a total population
of 361,000, no fewer than 340,000, or 94 per
cent, are Cliinese. The importance to these
of the study of their own language would
appear to be self-evident, and was immediately
recognised by the local Government without
discussion. Under Sir J. Pope-Hennessy's
regime (1877-82) it was first suggested
that the entire time of Chinese students
ought to be devoted to the acquisition of the
English language. The supporters of the
then existing state of affairs appealed success-
fully to the famous dictum of Macaulay relative
to the maintenance of vernacular instruction
in India. The matter dropped for the time
to be revived under more propitious circum-
stances during the governorship of Sir
William Robinson (1891-97), when notice
was given that the study of Chinese was
removed from the curriculum of all Govern-
ment Schools, and that in future no new
Grant-in-aid School teaching Chinese would
be accepted. Later, the Government reverted
to the former practice, and more recently
advanced to the position that no grant would
be given to a school attended by Chinese
unless adequate provision weie made for in-
struction in the vernacular.
Next to the consideration of whether the
Chinese language should be taught, came the
question of the method to be employed in
teaching it. At first sight it would appear
somewhat presumptuous fpr foreigners to
undertake to devise an improvement upon the
native system which had been in vogue for
several centuries. But common-sense and
utilitarianism prevailed. It is the custom in
China for the first two or three years of a
child's school-life to be spent in the acquire-
ment by heart of several volumes of native
literature, without any explanation whatever
of the subject-matter, which is perfectly un-
intelligible to the scholar. Even when
instruction comes later, its educational value,
apart from moral lessons such as filial piety,
&c., is confined to the composition of stilted
essays in stereotyped style upon topics of a
very limited scope. To meet the requirements
of a scheme for teaching the Chinese their
own language on a rational system several
series of books have been compiled and pub-
lished by missionaries at Shanghai. Following
the plan of English Readers, they begin with
the use of the simplest characters possible,
and treat of subjects within the every-day
ken of the infant. Lessons are given on
animals, plants, history, and geography, while
not the least interesting and instructive is a
work dealing with the composite parts of
vai'ious characters and their meaning, hitherto
a sealed subject to the average Cliinaman.
All this, an entirely new departure for Chinese
students, is of high educational value ; and
at the end of three years, instead of being
on the threshold of learning, as by the native
system, the pupils have acquired a variety of
useful information and are able to write short
letters and essays, formerly an impossible
feat at this stage. These useful books have
been introduced into Hongkong Government
Schools within the last half-dozen years, and,
though some are too childish in sentiment
for boys twelve years of age, are highly
appreciated.
Beside British and Chinese, there are in
Hongkong boys of all nationalities — American,
Hindu, Japanese, Parsee, Portuguese, &c.
For many years there was a great agitation
amongst the British ratepayers to found a
separate school for the exclusive use of boys
and girls of British parentage. Their prayer
has now been granted. The first opportunity
was afforded by a new school-building erected
hy the munificence of Mr. Ho Tung, with the
proviso that no boy should be excluded on
the ground of race or creed. As this school
was conveniently situated for the children of
residents in the Kowloon Peninsula opposite
Victoria, Mr. Ho Tung was induced to consent
to his school being converted into a school
for British children only, on the under-
standing that the Government would erect in
Yaumati, a mile distant on the same side of
the water, a school for Chinese under the
charge of an English headmaster. Mr. D.
James, formerly assistant master at Queen's
College, Hongkong, and second master of
the King's School for Siamese Princes at
Bangkok, was appointed headmaster, and Kow-
loon British School was formally opened in
1902. Soon afterwards, owing largely to the
instrumentality of Mr. Irving, a similar British
School was opened in the island to the east
of 'Victoria and called the Victoria British
School, under the care of Mr. VV. H. Williams,
headmaster. Both these are mi.xed schools,
but a somewhat grotesque arrangement has
been made by the terms of which, boys over
sixteen may not attend Kowloon School, but
122 TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
must cross over to Victoria, and girls over
sixteen must leave Victoria Sch(x>l and cross to
Kowloon, which seems to suggest tliat the
Inspector of Schools has not the full courage
of his convictions.
In this connection, while admitting that for
other reasons the establishment in a British
colony of schools for British txiys and girls
is highly desirable, it is only just to the
denizens of the ancient and enormous Empire
of China to put on record that one of the
reasons urged by the parents for this segre-
gation, viz., the fear of moral contamination of
their children from association with Chinese
schoolmates, is based on popular prejudice,
which is not supported by the evidence of
those competent to form an opinion founded
upon experience. On the occasion of a
visit to the Central School in 1885, General
Cameron, then administering the government,
asked the headmaster his opinion of the
morals of his Chinese pupils, and received the
answer : " .About the same as those of school-
boys of other nations, certainly not worse."
Dr. Stewart, the previous headmaster, on
being appealed to, corroborated the state-
ment. Dr. Eitel, the Inspector of Sch<K>ls,
whose experience was still more varied,
as he had been for many years a missionary
among the Hakka population on the mainland,
then made the following important pronounce-
ment : " Taking them class by class, Your
Excellency, the Chinese compare very favour-
ably with Western nations in the matter of
morality." The General laughed, and said
"That is your opinion, gentlemen. Well,
nobody will believe you." Here we have
the whole affair in a nutshell. Popular pre-
judice is tenacious of life. Nobody will
accept an actual fact opposed to the belief
of the man in the street.
When Inspector of Schools, Dr. Stewart
endea%'Oured to induce the Government to
favour a policy of compulsory education,
then exploited in England. All succeeding
inspectors of schools have concluded, and
justly so, that it is absolutely impracticable
to dream of introducing compulsory education
into Hongkong. The enormous army of
school attendance officers necessary to render
the scheme in the least degree efficient, is
in itself sufHciently appalling ; to say nothing
of the time that would be wasted at the
magisterial court in warning and fining
offenders. The discrepancy between the
estimated number of children of school age
in the Colony, and those attending school
is largely accounted for by the boating
populati(jn ; though even tliese are not
indifferent to the advantages of Western
education, as Queen's College and Yaumati
Government School can testify. From what-
ever cause, however, there has been in the
last few years a very perceptible decrease
in the number of children seen toiling up
the hillside with loads of brick and earth.
Chinese boys are for the most part docile,
well-behaved, and, to some extent, eager to
learn. They have, however, a disposition to
be eclectic. If, for instance, they do not
see the present advantage of the study of
geography or geometry, they neglect these
subjects as far as the rules of the school may
permit. They do not recognise that in a
commercial career, a correct knowledge of
cities and countries, of their manufactures
and products, may be of real service in
after life ; nor do they appreciate the fact
that the average Chinaman is incapable of
sustaining an argument, starting with false
or indeterminate premisses and cheerfully
pursuing a circuitous course to the point
from which he started, the only cure for
which is a rigid course of geometrical study.
There is, perhaps, no characteristic of the
Chinese nation more universally admitted
than their possession of a marvellous memory.
But the questions arise : Is it a serviceable
memory ? Is it not rather an agent for
cramming .' Are there not. as a matter of
fact, nearly 99 per cent, of them incapable
of renieml)ering, after the lapse of a year,
the salient points of any subject (say history)
in which they have passed an examination
successfully ? Again, though like most
Eastern nations, the Chinese show a greater
aptitude for the acquisition of knowledge in
arithmetic, algebra, and trigonometry, than
is possessed by the average Western school-
boy, they can hardly be ciedited witli the
matliematical genius accorded to them by
popular opinion. Their memory is not
accretive ; too often will they be found to
have forgotten elementary principles, with
which they were acquainted two or three
years previously. As a rule they are lacking
in initiative ; they can repeat the same
mathematical exercise provided the conditions
are the same, but will be at a loss if a slight
change is introduced requiring the exercise
of independent thought. In spite, however,
of these points of adverse criticism, Chinese,
taking them all round, are more apt and
willing pupils than European boj's.
THE INSPECTORATE OF
SCHOOLS.
The growth of education in this Colony
has been unostentatious and slow. Like a
germinating plant, it at first followed the
lines of least resistance, but as it matured it
became firmly rooted, and the buffets of
conflicting circumstances have only proved
beneficial. It is now hardy and weather-
proof. As we have seen, the Government
began by encouraging missionary efforts.
It remained for a missionary to be the prime
factor in rousing the Governinent to a full
sense of its responsibility in tlie matter of
taking a lead in the education of the Colony.
Dr. James Legge, of Aberdeen, the celebrated
Sinologue, Senior Missionary of the London
Missionary Society, was at the time chair-
man of the Government Educational Board,
and he was successful in inducing the
Government to agree to the foundation of
the Government Central School in Gough
Street, and to the appointment of Mr. (later
Dr.) Frederick Stewart, also of Aberdeen
University, to be the first headmaster, com-
bined with which office were the additional
duties of Inspector of Schools. Mr. Stewart
arrived in 1862. He had many difficulties to
cope with, prominent amongst them being
the indifference of the Chinese of those days
to the advantages of Western education. In
a few years, however, he had various Govern-
ment schools established in sundry villages
of the island and at Kowloon, in addition to
two more important schools — Governinent
Schools at Wantsai and Saiyingpuii. As soon
as Dr. Legge saw Mr. Stewart firmly seated
in the saddle, he generously recommended
to the Government the complete emancipa-
tion of the former from the Educ.itioiial
Board, and this was immediately granted.
For nineteen years Dr. Stewart remained
Inspector of Schools, during which time the
number of Government and Grant-in-aid
Schools swelled considerably, and tlie increase
in school attendance and the extension of
proficiency in English were thoroughly satis-
factory. Attacks on the educational system
were made during the Governorship of Sir
J. Pope-Hennessy. Dr. Stewart first begged
to be relieved of the onerous duties of
Inspector of Schools, Dr. Eitel being at
once appointed to the vacancy. In 1881,
Dr. Stewart successfully made application
for the post of Police Magistrate. He
subsequently became Registrar -General,
Acting Colonial Secretary, and, at the time of
his death, in 1889, was Colonial Secret.iry.
Tlie Cliinese evinced their high appreciation
of Dr. Stewart's services by founding a
scholarship at Queen's College in his memory.
A large coloured window in a transept of
St. John's Cathedral permanently records the
sentiments of the general public.
Dr. Eitel was Inspector of Schools from
187910 1897. Education continued to flourish
during his tenure of oflice, the chief features
of which were the impetus given to female
education, the removal of religious disabilities
in schools, and the reduction in the number
of school days annually necessary for the
Governinent grant. The arrival of Sir George
Bowen in 1883 was signalised by .a^Jwft
of educational ardour. Scholarships were
granted giving free education at the Central
School to boys from the Government District
Schools, and an annual Government scholar-
ship of £200 a year for four years was
founded to enable Hongkong boys to proceed
to England for the further study required
for a professional career. To the enterpris-
ing courage of Mr. C. J. Bateman was due
the starting of the Cambridge Local Exami-
nations in Hongkong. A year or two later
Hongkong was made a centre for the Oxford
Locals, with Mr. Wright as local secretary,
Oxford proving more amenable than Cam-
bridge in granting concessions to Hongkong
on account of its gre,it distance from England.
The Chinese College of Medicine was in-
augurated, and proved an unqualified success.
With the exhibition of so much educational
energy, a friendly spirit of rivalry was excited
amongst the schools of the Colony that
continues to the present day with very
beneficial results. School sports, which pre-
viously had been confined to individual
schools, were re-organised and amalgamated
into one annual function known as tlie Hong-
kong Schools' Sports. Dr. Eitel spent con-
siderable time and energy in the formation
of a cadet corps in connection with all the
leading schools. One combined and rather
imposing general parade was held on the
cricket ground, but, like most new ideas in
Hongkong, it was doomed to early extinction.
To the great grief of all the headmasters
concerned Dr. Eitel succeeded during Sir
William Robinson's regime in inducing the
Governinent to abolish the Government
scholarship to England, and the local free
scholarships founded ten years previously.
The latter alone have been restored.
On the retirement of Dr. Eitel in 1897, the
Hon. Mr. A. W. Brewin (now Registrar-
General) was for a brief period Inspector of
Schools. He was followed by Mr. E. A.
Irving, the present inspector, in 1901. The
past six years have shown a great stimulus in
education, especially during the short time
that Sir Matthew Nathan ruled the Colony.
In fact, it would appear just to say that of
the three Governors who most bestirred
themselves about educational matters — .Sir J.
Pope-Hennessy, Sir George Bowen, and Sir
Matthew Nathan — the efforts of the last are the
most likely to provide permanent benefit to
the Colony. The school study of hygiene was,
it is true, made part of imperial policy by the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, but it is
no less true that its zealous adoption in Hong-
kong was due to the late Governor, while the
institution of the Evening Continuation Classes
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 123
was His Excellency's own idea. These classes
have proved so successful that they have
recently been re-christened " Hongkong
Technical College," and made a sub-depart-
ment of the Inspectorate of Schools, with an
Advisory Committee, the chairman of which,
the Hon. Mr. A. W. Brewin, has done yeoman
service during the past "eighteen months.
Besides being an active member of the League
of the Empire, connected with whose agency
is visual instruction by lectures and magic
lantern exhibitions on the subject of the
British Empire, the Inspector of Schools,
Mr. Irving, has been particularly successful in
promoting in the Government District Schools
the improvement of English conversation by
the Chinese, and in urging throughout the
Colony the acceptance of vernacular instruc-
tion on a Western, as contrasted with a
Chinese, system.
EDUCATIONAL ESTABLISH-
MENTS.
A brief reference must now be made to the
various Hongkong educational establishments
not alluded to above. Queen's College will
be dealt with separately below. Of the oldest,
St. Paul's College, the Diocesan School, St.
Joseph's College, the Italian Convent, L'Asile de
la Sainte Enfance, the Berlin and Basel, and
the Baxter Girls' Missions at once claim atten-
tion. The work of the London Mission in
early times has already been referred to,
and .still briskly flourishes. St. Paul's College,
originallyi intended for a missionary training
school, has reverted to its purpose,-after various
side attempts at educating the British popula-
tion. The Diocesan School, at first a mixed
school, devoted itself to the exclusive education
of boys some twenty years ago. Its school
building has been considerably enlarged, and
its educational successes have been conspicu-
ous. The Koinan Catholic School of St.
Saviour's migrated to St. Joseph's in about
1880. A new storey has recently been added
to the building, in itself evidence of the success
which marks the generous unpaid zeal of the
Christian Brothers, who, in a truly catholic
spirit, admit Jews, Turks, Heretics, and Infidels
to the benefit of their high-cl;iss education.
The Italian Convent, I.'Asile de la Sainte
Enfance, Berlin, Basel and Baxter Missions,
are some of the oldest institutions for girls ;
the first two mentioned proving, also, of
educational service to the community at large,
and the last having risen from an enrolment of
eleven in 1883 to its present number of sixty.
Amongst more recently started schools we
must note the Belilios Public School for Girls,
the Diocesan School for Girls, EllisKadoorie
School (now called Hongkong College), St.
Stephen's College for the sons of the better-
class of Chinese, and, at Kowloon, the Home
for Girls and a Blind School. Outside the
Education Department are a number of private
schools where a good education is provided
in English and Portuguese In this category
are also the Kaifong schools, promoted by the
native gentry, for the study of vernacular by
the poorer classes ; and schools for the study
of English, endowed by the liberality of
gentlemen like Messrs. Ho Kom-tong and the
late Chan He-wan. To the names of these
gentlemen as public benefactors should be
added those of the late Mr. E. R. Belilios, Mr.
Ellis Kadoorie, and Mr. Ho Tung, who have
built schools referred to passim above.
Hongkong is a centre for the London
University Matriculation, the Oxford Local
Examinations, and the Royal College of
Music, and, on leaving the Colony, its
students have distinguished themselves in
England and the United States of America.
It may, therefore, be admitted that, however
stii generis Hongkong may have been thirty
years ago, it can now lay claim to have
entered the educational comity of nations.
The following table of statistics shows the
steady growth of educational progress in the
Colony, remarkable in the case of female
education, which was, at first, naturally op-
posed to Chinese ideas : —
Xo. of
Girls
Percentajie
Year.
Sctiools.
Scliolars.
only.
of Girls.
1866
16
1,870
45
2-4
1876
41
2,922
543
18-5
1886
90
5,844
1,683
28-8
1896
120
7,301
2,702
37-0
1906
«s
7,642
3,289
430
QUEEN'S COLLEGE.— Like the Royal Col-
lege at Mauritius and the Harrison College
at Barbados, Queen's College, Hongkong, is
an entirely separate Government department,
independent of the Inspectorate of Schools.
Its history, therefore, demands individual
treatment.
When Dr. Stewart in 1862 opened the
Government Central School in Gough Street,
that district, though in close proximity to the
Queen's Road, was semi-rural, being occupied
by villa residences, interspersed with trees
QUEEN'S COLLEGE.
124 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
and bamboo groves. The sile was admir-
ably adapted to the purpose, beiiij; equi-
distant from the two extremities, cast and
west, of ihc city of Victoria, to supply whose
educational needs was its object. A building
in the shape of a letter H was erected, afford-
ing accommodation for about 350 boys. The
central bar was a sort of hall, in which
rows of benches rose one above another, tier
upon tier. Two classes were taught here,
and three in each of the adjoining wings.
Screens were impossible, so that instruction,
under the conditions, suffered considerable
di^^advantage.
There was at first some difticulty in in-
ducing Chinese to see the benefit accruing
from Western studies. Fees, of course, were
quite out of the question, and a few years
later the charge of fifty cents a month was
not made without much apprehension.
However, in four years 222 boys were on
the annual roll. In 1876 this number had
risen to 577. It became necessary to use
the four basement rooms of the headmaster's
and second master's quarters as class-rooms,
and the need for erecting a much larger
building providing a separate room for each
class became apparent.
Though only reaching the borders of what
is understood by Secondary Education, the
Central School turned out an immense num-
ber of well-educated pupils of all nationalities,
as can be testified by many Chinese, English,
Indian, Parsee, and Portuguese gentlemen
now in the Colony upwards of forty-tive
years of age. In 1877 an attack was made
on the work done at the Central School in
a pamphlet, popularly ascribed to the pen
of the late Mr. J. J. Francis, Q.C., and entitled
" Does the Central School fulfil its raisoii
d'Ctn .' " A commission was appointed by
Sir John Pope-Henncssy to inquire into the
possibility of providing a better system, and
to consider whether the erection of five
Government schools under European head-
masters, one being a collegiate establishment,
would not prove more beneficial to the needs
of the Colony than one new large building.
The report was published in 1882, the com-
missioners disapproving of His Excellency's
scheme, which later experience, however,
would seem to have shown highly com-
mendable. The Government thereupon re-
solved to build what is now known as
Queen's College, the foundation of which
was laid by Sir George Bo wen in 1884.
In 1881 Dr. Stewart, at his own request,
was transferred to the post of Police Magis-
trate, and in November of the same year the
present headmaster, Mr. (Dr. in 1891) G. H.
Bateson Wright, was appointed by Earl
Kimberley. Immediately on his arrival in
January, 1882, Mr. Wright held the annual
examination of the Central School, and,
thougli not in a position to write a report on
a year's work with which he had no personal
acquaintance, he stated in a speech to Sir
John Pope-Hennessy at the prize distribution
that he was much struck with the attainments
in the English language of the Chinese boys,
and that the results of the examination
reflected great credit on the management of
the school and the labours of the masters.
The following changes were immediately
effected. A half-yearly examination was in-
stituted and has licen maintained ever since.
to secure the efliciency of the work in the
first half-year and to minimise the evils of
cramming in the second half. The power
to administer corporal piniishment was re-
stricted to the headmaster, and all forms of
assault were strictly proliibited. The study
of grammar and geography was extended to
two lower classes, and algebra, geometry,
and mensuration were restored to the curri-
culum. In the preparation of examination
questions every care was taken to obviate the
possiliilily of answers that were simply feats
of memory without any evidence of the exer-
cise of intelligent effort. The consequence
was that for tlie next eight years, while the
headmaster (in so small a school) was able
to take an active part in tuition, the Inspector
of Schools, who held the office of Annual
Independent Examiner, in his reports pub-
lished in the Goveriimcnt Gazette, spoke in
the most complimentary terms of the work
done at the Central School. In 1884 Walter
Bosman was elected the First Government
Scholar, and proceeded to England, where
he had a brilliant career at the Crystal Palace
Engineering Institute. He has since been in
the Government service at Natal as Director
of Public Works at Eshowe and Durban.
The thanks of the Imperial Government were
accorded to him for delimiting the Portuguese
frontier, and a couple of years ago he was
aide-de-camp to the Colonel in charge of the
expedition to suppress the rising in Natal.
In July, 1889, the premier Government
institution migrated from the old Central
School to Queen's College, erected on an
open spot, insulated by four roads, a little
higher up the hill. In January, 1889, there
ST. JOSEPH'S EKQLISH COLLEQE.
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 125
were 438 boys on the roll at the Central
School ; in July and September of the same
year there were at Queen's College 510 and
7g6 respectively. By this sudden practical
doubling of the number of students, the vast
majority of whom were naturally admitted to
the bottom classes, one would have thought
it self-evident that the work of the next three
or four years would be exceptionally arduous,
and that the steady progress of the previous
eight years must, as a matter of course, be
retarded. Sir William Robinson, however,
after a residence in the Colony of six months,
caused considerable astonishment, and in some
quarters indignation, by the public announce-
ment at the Queen's College Prize Distribution
in January, 1892, that Queen's College was a
failure. This dictum, which would have been
the ruin of a private school, did not affect
the popularity of Queen's College with the
Chinese. It is, indeed, very instructive to
note that during the very six years that the
college was suffering from the gubernatorial
frown, Chinese masters and pupils were
urgently required at the Imperial Tientsin
University, where their excellent proficiency
in English secured them a hearty welcome
and rapid promotion. Of these sixty young
men, at least four are now Taoutais, Wen
Tsung-yao is Secretary to the Viceroy at
Canton, Dr. Chan Kam-to is in the Finance
Bureau at Peking, and Wong Fan and Leung
Lan-fan are on Railways and Telegraph Ser-
vice respectively. Verily, it may be said of
Queen's College, as of the prophet, that it is
not without honour save in its own country.
In 1894 the constitution of the college was
changed by the appointment of a governing
body, whose first act in 1895 was to abolish
the vernacular school, restoring it, however,
nine years later. In 1896 independent
examiners were nominated by the governing
body to hold the winter examination and
report on the college. With only two
exceptions this practice was continued
annually till 1903, when the governing body
resolved that an annual inspection in July
and report by the independent examiners
would be of greater service than the exam-
ination of a thousand boys in January, the con-
duct of which was left in 1904 and onwards
(as prior to 1896) to the control of the head-
master. A very wide gulf sunders the con-
ditions of these two examinations. In
January every boy is examined, and the
whole year's work is under review ; in July
the boys are tested in new work upon
which they have been engaged for only four
months, and about 20 per cent, are taken by
the sample method.
Queen's College is fortunate in the posses-
sion of an excellent staff. Of the English
staff, apart from the headtnaster, there are
three trained certificaled masters, the re-
mainder are graduates of universities — three
from Cambridge, two from Trinity College,
Dublin, one from Oxford, and one from
Aberdeen. The senior Chinese masters leave
nothing to be desired, and most of the
junior are satisfactory. The native masters
are trained under the charge of a normal
master. Twenty years ago, when the salary
was only $4 a month, the head boys of the
school were eager to be monitors, now that
they receive $20 rising to $35 a month great
difficulty is experienced in finding suitable
boys to be articled pupil teachers, though by
this course of training their market value is
considerably enhanced on account of their
greater proficiency in English.
The Oxford Local Examinations, which have
been held at Hongkong as a centre for twenty
years, during which time 1,400 candidates,
boys and girls, have been examined, have
proved of inestimable value. Besides pro-
viding an impartial test of the educational
work done in the Colony, unmarrcd by local
bias on either side, they have been of great
service to Hongkong boys in procuring for
them admission to English and American
schools and universities, and in obtaining
exemption from professional preliminary ex-
aminations. Queen's College has always had
a difficulty to cope with in presenting can-
didates. 'The majority of these boys after
promotion at the commencement of the
school year have in March to begin to pre-
pare for the examination in July. They are,
therefore, practically examined upon their
knowledge gained in ordinary school routine,
and very little on the special requirements of
the locals. In spite of this drawback, how-
ever, they have done very creditably. Third
Class Junior Honours were obtained in 1907,
and distinctions as follow :— 1895, Senior
Mathematics and Preliminary History ; 1898,
Junior English ; 1899, Senior English.
In an ambitious upward course Queen's
College is hindered by the following con-
siderations. It is a day-school, so that all
attempts to teach English conversation are
necessarily confined to school hours, after
which all the boys immediately revert to
Chinese thought and expression, and no
supervision can be given to preparation of
work. Again, fully one-third of the boys
change annually, and this has always been
the case from time immemorial. Four
hundred boys leaving and four hundred new
boys being admitted annually is a very serious
obstacle in the way of obtaining a large and
efficient upper school. In this connection it
is to be observed that there is no external
system for feeding the upper classes of
Queen's College such as exists in any
large town in England, for the half-dozen
boys from the Goverinnent district schools
are lost sight of when the number of seats
available (420) is borne in mind.
The following table serves to illustrate the
ST. JOSEPH'S ENGLISH COLLEGE.
(Group uf Scholars.)
126 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
slow but steady progress of Queen's College.
" The day of small things " is past. Gradually
tlie number of subjects in the curriculum has
increased, and the increase in the number of
scholars taking those subjects is enormous.
Queen's College has justified the high
reputation it enjoys in the neighbouring vast
Empire of China, and, with due encourage-
ment, its future prospects are practically
limitless.
Total number of boys examined in each
subject.
1881 1885 1889 11107
George Bache Wright, of the Peninsular and
Oriental Steam Navigation Company's London
oflice, and grandson of Augustus Wright,
storekeeper of the magazine, Priddy's Hard,
Gosport, during the Crimean War, Dr. Wright
was born in 1853. He was educated at
Queen's College, Oxford, where he graduated
B.A., with second-class Theological Honours,
in June, 1875. He gained the Denyer and
Johnson Scholarship and the Kennicott
English to Chinese. .
301
379
676
771
Chinese to English...
30 1
379
676
771
Grammar
172
312
547
1, 08 s
Geography
■44
253
477
1,085
Com|X)sition
83
127
360
771
History
30
75
143
322
Geometry
—
75
143
557
Algebra
—
75
143
557
Mensuration
—
25
24
118
Latin
—
117
—
General Intelligence
—
—
83
34
Shakespeare
—
—
24
34
Trigonometry
—
—
•7
14
Hygiene
—
—
—
771
Book-keeping
—
—
—
118
THE REV. 0. H. BATESON WRIGHT. D.D.
(Oxoa.). — Seated quietly at his desk, or pre-
siding over his classes, the gentleman who,
for upwards of twenty-six years, has been
the headmaster of Queen's College, has,
perhaps, done more than any of his con-
temporaries towards the formation of that
sterling character which so distinguishes
the educated Chinese of Hongkong. The
histories of many of the Colony's greatest
men may be read in her stones and thorough-
fares, in her docks and wharves, in the
innumerable outward and tangible evidences
of her commercial prosperity ; but the history
of Dr. George Henry Bateson Wright is
writ even more legibly upon the lengthen-
ing human scroll issuing from Hongkong's
leading academy. The second son of the late
DR. G. H. B. WRIGHT, QUEEN'S COLLEGE.
Hebrew Scholarship in 1876, and, in the
following year, the Syriac Prize and the
Pusey and Elerton Scholarship. He was
ordained at Worcester a Deacon (Gospel) in
1877, and became Curate of Ladbroke,
Warwickshire. In the following year he
was admitted to tlie priesthood, again head-
ing the list of candidates, and subsequently
held the curacies of Christ Church, Bradford,
and St. Peter's, Bournemouth. Kor a time
he was a private tutor at Oxford, and in
KLLIS KADOOBIE CHINESE SCHOOLS SOCIETT.
1881 he was appointed headmaster of
Queen's College. He proceeded to the
degree of B.D. in February, 1891, and by
grace of Convocation was allowed to take
the degree of D.D. in May of the same
year, when he was only thirty-eight years
of age. In 1884 he published a work entitled
"A Critical Edition of the Book of Job,"
whilst in 1895 he publislied " Was Israel ever
in Egypt?" Dr. Wright is married and lives
at " Ladbroke," No. 9, Conduit Koad. His
recreation lies in his work.
ST. JOSEPH'S ENGLISH COLLEGE.— This
well-known institution is conducted by the
Brothers of the Christian Schools, and is under
the patronage of the Kight Kev. Domenico
Pozzoni, D.D., Vicar Apostolic of Hongkong.
The work of the Brothers is too well known
to need any comment here ; suffice it to say
that their name is familiar in every country,
and at present they control over two thousand
large educational establishments, where well-
nigh four hundred thousand pupils are being
equipped for the great struggle of life.
When the Brothers came to Hongkong
thirty years ago, they took charge of a small
scliool in Caiiie Road where they had but
seventy pupils. The number steadily increased,
and in two years they had one of the most
flourishing schools in the Colony. To accom-
modate the ever-increasing number of boarders
and day scholars more room was required,
and in 1881 the foundation of the present
building was laid by Sir John Pope-Hennessy,
then Governor of Hongkong. In 1898 it was
found necessary to add a third storey for the
accommodation of the boarders, and three years
afterwards the building was still further
enlarged by the addition of two wings.
To-day the school is one of the most up-to-
date educational establishments in the Far East.
The building, surrounded by trees and pleasant
patches of green, is delightfully situated on a
height which commands an extensive view
of the city and harbour of Victoria. Ample
accommodation is provided for five hundred
scholars, and in the boarding department there
is room for eighty. The dormitory, which
occupies more than half the third storey, is
very well lighted and ventilated. It is
surrounded by verandahs which greatly en-
hance the comfort of the place both in summer
and in winter. Adjoining the dormitory are
private rooms for students who wish to devote
more time to their studies. On the second
floor is the boarders' study hall — a spacious
apartment, capable of affording sitting
accommodation for over 120, and in which are
held public meetings on certain occasions
during the year. It is lighted by numerous
electric lamps, and the walls are freely hung
with maps and pictures. There is a handsome
stage at one end of the hall, where the students
have an opportunity of developing their
debating powers. The majority of the class-
rooms are on the ground floor, and can
accommodate forty pupils each. They are
furnished with all teaching requisites and have
a very cheerful appearance. On the third
storey are three class-rooms specially set apart
for Chinese boys, and these are also equipped
with the necessary appliances for the instruc-
tion of the pupils.
The aim of the institution is to give Catholic
youths and others, without distinction of creed
or persuasion, a thorough moral, intellectual,
and physical education. The staff consists of
twelve thoroughly trained European masters,
who have devoted their lives to the work.
Tliere are also two competent Chinese
teachers to give a regular course of instruc-
tion to Chinese boys in their own language.
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 127
When these boys leave scliool they will have
the advantage of knowing both English and
Chinese. To facilitate the imparting of
instruction, and to enable the pupils to derive
full benefit from it, the Chinese boys of the
lower standards are separated from the
others, and receive instruction suited to their
capacity. In the higher standards, the boys
are prepared for the O.xford Local Examina-
tion, in addition to receiving a sound
commercial training.
Shorthand and typewriting are taught with
great success, and several of the students have
already obtained first-class certificates in these
subjects. Book-keeping, commercial geo-
graphy, commercial arithmetic, and corre-
spondence also occupy a prominent place in
the school syllabus. In all the classes great
importance is attached to the teaching of
English. It is the only language tolerated
both on the playground and in the classroom,
except in the lower standards of the Chinese
department. High marks are generally
obtained by the boys of the college at the
Oxford Examination for this most important
subject. The school curriculum also includes
religious instruction, French, arithmetic,
algebra, geometry, history, and hygiene.
In addition the boys receive a special course
ill freehand, model, geometrical, and archi-
tectural drawing, from a thoroughly competent
master, and the school has always enjoyed a
high reputation for the success it has achieved
in the teaching of this branch of education.
The physical training of the pupils receives
due attention. A regular course of physical
drill is given by a sergeant specially appointed
by the Government for that purpose. On
certain occasions during the year the boys
are called upon to perform some of these
exercises on the stage, and the skill and
exactitude with which they go through them
elicits the hearty applause of the onlookers.
A keen interest is taken in out-door games,
and in the shield competition every year the
school holds a high place. A football and
cricket club has been established in the
college with a view to encouraging these
games, the teachers recognising that "all
work and no play maketh a dull boy."
When unable to pursue their accustomed
out-door amusements, owing to bad weather,
the pupils retire to the club-room, where the
time may be passed pleasantly at a game of
billiards or chess, or in the perusal of in-
teresting literature.
Hundreds of young men educated in the
college have attained honourable and lucra-
tive positions in different parts of the world
by the application of tliat knowledge and of
those principles of right and honesty which
were instilled into them during their early
days.
ST. PAUL'S COLLEGE. — This institution,
situated in the Lower Albert Road, Hongkong,
was founded in 1843 by the first Colonial
Chaplain of the Colony, with the object of
providing men as native teachers and prea-
chers. It is now the Training College of
the Church Missionary Society's South China
Mission, and comprises two departments —
one for boys and the other for men. In
that for boys the sons of Christian parents
are received at the age of sixteen, and, after
three years training, if they are found suit-
able, they pass into the day or boarding
schools of the mission as schoolmasters, under
the supervision of English or Chinese clergy.
In the student class, under a separate organi-
sation, men not under the age of twenty are
trained as native preachers and catechists.
This department was commenced in 1899 by
the Kev. C. Bennett, at Shiu-Hing, and later
in the same year the students were moved
to Canton. In igoo it was found that Hong-
kong would be a more suitable centre, and
the college was ultimately transferred to its
present premises, placed at its disposal by
the late Bishop Hoare. Recently there has
been established in connection with the
college a preparatory school at Kowloon,
where an old official yamen is held under
the Colonial Government on a repairing
lease.
The Archbishop of Canterbury is hon.
visitor to the college, and the Bishop of
Victoria is the warden. The Sub-warden
and Principal is the Rev. G. A. Bunbury,
M.A., who is loyally assisted in the work by
a Chinese graduate. There are four men in
the student class, twenty boys in the training
college, and about fifty boarders and day-
boys in the Kowloon preparatory school.
The curriculum embraces the essential sub-
jects, the aim of the college being directed
rather towards thoroughness of teaching than
towards variety. The Chinese language is,
at present, the medium of instruction.
THE ELLIS KADOORIE CHINESE SCHOOLS
SOCIETY. — This society, whose work extends
through Hongkong, Canton, and Shanghai,
was formed at the suggestion of the well-
known merchant whose name it bears. Its
chief object is to overcome the difficulty felt
by the Chinese poor of obtaining a sound
MR. H. N. MODY.
128 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
education on Western lines, and at the same
time to see that the Chinese language itself
is taught. Six schools have been opened —
one in Hiingkong, two in Canton, and lliree
in Shanghai — having, in all, over a thousand
pupils. The work is carried on by English
masters, assisted by a competent staff of Anglo-
Chinese teachers, and the curriculum embraces
a wide range of subjects, from rudimentary
cons<>nantal sounds to higher and commercial
arithmetic, map-drawing, history, and trans-
lation. The Hongkong school is situated in
the neighlxiurhood of the Government Civil
Hospital.
MR. EDWARD ALEXANDER IRVINO, In-
spector of Schools, Hongkong, was born in
1870, and .it the age of twenty-one joined
the I'erak Civil Service as a junior officer.
Whilst in the Malay States he qualified in
law, and acquired a knowledge of Malay,
Hakka, and Cantonese, and tilled various
appoinlmenis in Perak and Selangor in the
Mines Departments and Chinese Protectorate.
He arrived in Hongkong in April, 1901, as
Inspector of Schools, and has held that olilice
ever since, except on two occasions when he
acted as Registrar-General and Member of
the Legislative Council. He resides at
'• Kinta," the Peak.
A PROPOSED UNIVERSITY.— A proposal
to establish a university in Hongkong
assumed a tangible form in March, 1908,
when Mr. Mody, a local gentleman well-
known for his public benefactions, promised
$150,000 for the purpose of erecting the
necessary buildings, on condition that a site
and an endowment fund were provided.
The idea of a local university was first
mooted in the China Mail some few years
previously. It was suggested by this journal
that the nucleus of the university should be
the Medical College and the Technical Insti-
tute, that the endowment fund should be raised
by the public, and that a grant of land
should be made by the Government. At the
time of writing, this scheme is under the
consideration of the local Legislature, and it
is very probable that a site at West Point,
on the Bonham Ro,id level, will be granted.
MR. H. N. MODY, whose muniliccnce is re-
ferred to in the foregoing paragraph, comes
of a well-known Parsee family, is one of the
oldest residents, and one of the most striking
personalities in financial circles, in Hongkong.
It is more than forty-seven years since he
came to the Colony to enter the service of
a firm of Hindoo bankers and opium mer-
chants. With them he remained for three
years before launching his own opium busi-
ness, which rapidly grew to large dimensions.
With the advent of the subni.irine cable,
however, Mr. Mody realised that the halcyon
days of the operations in opium were gone,
so he turned his attention to dealing in
stocks and shares and to exchange brokerage.
Refusing to recognise the existence of such
a word as " impossible " he soon came to the
front, and for years lie has played the leading
part on the local stock exchange, carrying
through manv transactions of considerable
magnitude. More than once he lost his all,
for in his aireer he has had difiiculties to
overcome and obstacles to surmount, but
with fine courage and estimable self-con-
fidence he has braved the storms and sleered
his barque to safety. Always possessed of
a marvellous memory and a wonderful fund
of energy and zeal, even now, at an age
when most business men are content to rest
on their laurels, his activity is proverbial.
He has built up an extensive business in
exchange brokerage, having acquired the
control of the hulk of the scttleniciils m;idc
by many important Indian lirnis in the
Colony, and, with the large fortune amassed
by these means, he lias materially assisted
in the development of the island. With his
partner, Sir Paul Chater, C.M.G., Mr. Mody
is connected with most of the important
industrial concerns, and was closely associ-
ated with Mr. A. H. Rennie in the establish-
ment of the Hongkong Milling Company, Ltd.,
in which promising enterprise he holds a large
number of shares. Numerous and varied as
are Mr. Mody's business interests, however,
he still finds time to take a prominent part
in social life. Many charitable institutions
have benefited considerably by his muni-
ficence, and though he carries on his good
work in a quiet unostentatious manner, his
benevolence and public spirit are gratefully
recognised by the community. The Colony
will soon be einiched by a magnificent
statue of H.R.H. the Princess of Wales, a
gift from Mr. Mody, which is now being
executed in England. Mr. Mody also takes
great interest in sport, and for many years
lias been a staunch supporter of the Hong-
kong Jockey Club, at whose amiual race
meeting his colours arc always to the fore.
On several occasions he has won the local
Derby as well as other important races.
Mr. Mody brings to the turf that integrity
and steadfastness of purpose which have
served him so well in business, and the
enthusiastic manner in which his many
victories have been acclaimed testifies un-
mistakably to the high place he occupies in
the public esteem. His hospitality, too, is
renowned and, among all nationalities, he is
recognised as a prince of good fellows.
^'^^^^"^ <^^=^
PUBLIC WORKS.
By the Hon. Mr. W. Chatham, C.M.G., Direaor of Public Works.
N the first year of the Colony's
foundation a land officer was
appointed to administer Crown
lands, collect the revenue
derivable from them, and
discharge the functions now
performed by the Director of
Public Works. The officer to whom these
numerous responsibilities were entrusted was
very frequently changed during the first year
or two. On January 3, 1843, Mr. A. T.
Gordon was gazetted Surveyor-General, but
this was merely a change of title, for his
duties were the same as those of his prede-
cessors. The Land Office was established as
an independent department in January, 1883.
The title of Surveyor-General